Explanation: Historical records indicate Carl Friedrich Goerdeler was born in 1884 in Schneidemühl, not Munich, and his family background was rooted in Prussian civil service, not academia.

Explanation: Goerdeler studied economics and law at the University of Tübingen, not Berlin, and initiated his civil service career in 1911, not 1908.

Explanation: Goerdeler's World War I service was as a junior officer on the Eastern Front, and his post-war activities included advocating for territorial claims, not immediate peace negotiations.

Explanation: Goerdeler joined the ultraconservative German National People's Party (DNVP) after World War I, reflecting his strong opposition to the Treaty of Versailles.

Explanation: Goerdeler served as the mayor of Königsberg from 1922 and subsequently as the mayor of Leipzig from 1930 to 1937, during the Weimar era.

Explanation: Carl Friedrich Goerdeler was born in Schneidemühl, and his family was deeply rooted in the tradition of Prussian civil service.

Explanation: Goerdeler held significant mayoral positions in Königsberg (now Kaliningrad) and later in Leipzig during the Weimar Republic.

Explanation: While Goerdeler served as Reich Price Commissioner, this appointment was made by Chancellor Heinrich Brüning in 1931 to oversee deflationary policies, not by Hitler for economic expansion.

Explanation: As late as 1935, Goerdeler expressed the view that Hitler could serve as an 'enlightened dictator' if properly guided, a sentiment he later found embarrassing.

Explanation: Contrary to enforcing the boycott, Goerdeler, as mayor of Leipzig, ordered the SA not to implement it and took measures to protect Jewish businessmen.

Explanation: Goerdeler opposed Nazi economic policies, particularly inflationary measures, and disagreed with Hitler's aggressive foreign policy, advocating instead for free-market principles and economic stability.

Explanation: Goerdeler resigned in March 1937 following a conflict over the demolition of a monument dedicated to Felix Mendelssohn, not Richard Wagner.

Explanation: Goerdeler's memoranda urged a departure from rearmament and aggressive policies, advocating instead for economic stability, free-market principles, and diplomatic engagement.

Explanation: In the early to mid-1930s, Goerdeler harbored the view that Hitler might serve as an 'enlightened dictator' capable of positive change if suitably guided, a perspective he later came to regret.

Explanation: As mayor of Leipzig, Goerdeler actively opposed the Nazi boycott of Jewish businesses, instructing the SA to refrain from enforcement and providing protection to threatened Jewish individuals.

Explanation: Goerdeler clashed with figures like Hjalmar Schacht over inflationary economic strategies and disagreed fundamentally with Hitler's foreign policy trajectory, advocating for alternative economic and diplomatic approaches.

Explanation: Goerdeler resigned his mayoral post in Leipzig following a contentious dispute over the demolition of a monument honoring Felix Mendelssohn, a German-Jewish composer.

Explanation: Goerdeler's memoranda frequently advised against rearmament and aggressive expansion, instead urging a focus on securing food imports, adhering to free-market principles, and preventing economic destabilization.

Explanation: Following his resignation, Goerdeler leveraged his position at Robert Bosch GmbH as a cover for his clandestine anti-Nazi efforts and diplomatic outreach.

Explanation: Goerdeler's foreign policy proposals included retaining certain territories, such as the Sudetenland and the Polish Corridor, while seeking international support for a revised geopolitical order.

Explanation: While Goerdeler actively engaged with senior military figures to garner support for opposition, he often encountered hesitation and a reluctance to commit to decisive action against Hitler.

Explanation: Goerdeler expressed profound disappointment with the Munich Agreement, viewing it as a missed opportunity to remove Hitler from power and emboldening the regime.

Explanation: Goerdeler communicated intelligence to the British, notably including warnings regarding Hitler's intentions towards Czechoslovakia, influencing foreign policy perceptions.

Explanation: Goerdeler's 1939 peace proposals stipulated the retention of territories acquired before 1918, specifically mentioning pre-1918 Polish territories, Austria, and the Sudetenland, not all territories acquired before 1914.

Explanation: The planned coup in November 1939, in which Goerdeler was involved, was aborted when crucial military figures, such as Field Marshal von Brauchitsch and General Halder, withdrew their backing.

Explanation: Goerdeler considered Field Marshal Erwin Rommel a potential candidate for a leading role in a post-Nazi government and explored his willingness to participate.

Explanation: Goerdeler expressed disappointment with the Atlantic Charter's demand for German disarmament, believing it would impede resistance efforts and was unacceptable.

Explanation: Among his proposed territorial adjustments for a post-Nazi Germany, Goerdeler included the annexation of the South Tyrol region from Italy.

Explanation: Following his departure from public office, Goerdeler engaged in resistance activities, utilizing his role at Robert Bosch GmbH to conceal his anti-Nazi efforts and conduct diplomatic overtures abroad.

Explanation: In his foreign policy considerations, Goerdeler supported the retention of territories such as the Sudetenland and the Polish Corridor, seeking international consensus for these claims within a post-Nazi framework.

Explanation: Goerdeler viewed the Munich Agreement with profound disappointment, considering it a lost chance to depose Hitler and believing it would ultimately embolden the regime.

Explanation: Goerdeler's territorial proposals included the Sudetenland, the Polish Corridor, and former German colonies, but not the return of Alsace-Lorraine.

Explanation: Goerdeler expressed significant concern over the Atlantic Charter's stipulation for German disarmament, believing it would complicate the efforts of the resistance movement against the Nazi regime.

Explanation: Goerdeler identified Field Marshal Erwin Rommel as a potentially suitable figure for a significant leadership position within the envisioned post-Hitler government.

Explanation: In October 1939, Goerdeler's proposed peace terms included Germany retaining territories formerly belonging to Poland before 1918, while simultaneously restoring the independence of Poland and Czechoslovakia.

Explanation: Goerdeler was indeed a central figure in the German resistance, identified as the prospective Chancellor for a post-Hitler administration.

Explanation: Goerdeler was a central figure in the 20 July plot, designated to serve as Chancellor in the planned post-Hitler government, not a minor participant.

Explanation: The plans for the post-plot government designated Carl Friedrich Goerdeler as Chancellor, with Wilhelm Leuschner slated for the position of Vice-Chancellor.

Explanation: Following the unsuccessful 20 July plot, Goerdeler was apprehended in August 1944 and subsequently executed in February 1945.

Explanation: Helene Schwärzel's denunciation of Goerdeler to the Gestapo was instrumental in his capture following the failed 20 July plot.

Explanation: The relationship between Goerdeler and Stauffenberg was characterized by strain and mutual disagreement, despite their shared objective within the resistance movement.

Explanation: Carl Friedrich Goerdeler was designated to assume the role of Chancellor in the provisional government that the German resistance planned to establish after the successful overthrow of Adolf Hitler.

Explanation: Despite their shared involvement in the resistance, Goerdeler and Claus von Stauffenberg maintained a relationship characterized by significant strain and personal animosity.

Explanation: Helene Schwärzel's denunciation of Goerdeler to the Gestapo was the direct cause of his apprehension following the failed 20 July plot.

Explanation: Following the unsuccessful 20 July plot, Goerdeler was apprehended, subjected to trial by the People's Court, and ultimately executed.

Explanation: Goerdeler's plans favored the restoration of the monarchy, envisioning a constitutional monarchy with a strong executive, rather than a republic led by an elected president.

Explanation: Goerdeler's constitutional proposals included elements of decentralized governance, contrasting with the statement that they favored a strong, centralized government. His vision also differed from the Kreisau Circle's more socialist leanings.

Explanation: Goerdeler considered Communism and National Socialism to be fundamentally similar ideologies, strongly opposing both.

Explanation: Goerdeler's plans for a post-Nazi Germany included the restoration of the monarchy, envisioning a constitutional system where the monarch would reign but not govern.

Explanation: Goerdeler held a strongly anti-communist stance, perceiving Communism and National Socialism as ideologically akin and opposing both systems.

Explanation: Goerdeler's constitutional vision centered on a constitutional monarchy and laissez-faire capitalism, contrasting with the Kreisau Circle's inclination towards more socialist principles.

Explanation: The historical consensus on Goerdeler's views regarding the 'Jewish Question' is debated; while he opposed the Holocaust, some scholars argue for the presence of anti-Semitic elements in his proposals.

Explanation: Contrary to refusing cooperation, Goerdeler collaborated with the Gestapo during his interrogation, providing names that led to numerous arrests.

Explanation: Goerdeler's final writings focused more on spiritual reflection and seeking penance for the German people, rather than overt defiance or a declaration of the righteousness of his cause.

Explanation: During his interrogation and subsequent imprisonment, Goerdeler cooperated with the Gestapo, divulging names of co-conspirators which resulted in numerous arrests.

Explanation: The historical interpretation of Goerdeler's stance on the 'Jewish Question' is complex and contested; while he opposed the genocidal policies of the Holocaust, evidence suggests some anti-Semitic sentiments persisted in his proposals.