Explanation: The Kurukh population is predominantly concentrated within the Chhotanagpur Plateau region of India, spanning states such as Jharkhand, Odisha, Chhattisgarh, and West Bengal.

Explanation: The 2011 census data indicates that the total population of the Kurukh people was approximately 3.8 million, not 1.7 million.

Explanation: The Kurukh people refer to themselves as 'Kurukh.' The term 'Oraon' is an exonym, meaning it is a name given by an external group.

Explanation: In the state of Maharashtra, the Oraon people are recognized by the designation 'Dhangad'.

Explanation: While Jharkhand, Odisha, and West Bengal are noted for significant Kurukh populations, Gujarat is not listed as a primary state of residence.

Explanation: According to the 2011 census data, the total population of the Kurukh people was approximately 3.8 million.

Explanation: The term 'Oraon,' an exonym for the Kurukh, was bestowed by the neighboring Munda people and signifies 'to roam'.

Explanation: In the state of Maharashtra, the Oraon people are commonly referred to by the term 'Dhangad'.

Explanation: The Kurukh language is classified as belonging to the Dravidian language family, not the Indo-Aryan family.

Explanation: Linguist Sten Konow suggested that the term 'Uraon,' an exonym for the Kurukh, signifies 'man' in the Kurukh language, based on related terms like 'Urapai' and 'Urang'.

Explanation: While many Kurukh speakers have adopted regional languages like Odia and Sadri, particularly in tea garden areas, a significant portion of the population still speaks Kurukh as their mother tongue.

Explanation: Linguist Sten Konow proposed that the term 'Kurukh' may derive from roots signifying 'shout' or 'stammer,' thus implying 'a speaker'.

Explanation: The primary language spoken by the Kurukh people is Kurukh, which belongs to the Dravidian language family.

Explanation: Sadri has emerged as the primary link language for many Kurukh individuals in regions such as West Bengal and Assam, particularly within the context of tea garden communities.

Explanation: Sten Konow's linguistic analysis suggests that the word 'Kurukh' may derive from terms related to vocalization, implying 'a speaker'.

Explanation: Among the proposed origins for the Kurukh people, one theory posits a migration from the region of the Indus Valley Civilization following its decline circa 2500 BCE.

Explanation: During the British colonial period, Kurukh individuals who migrated to overseas territories such as Fiji and Guyana were often referred to as 'Hill Coolies'.

Explanation: The Kol uprising of 1832 was a significant rebellion against the British East India Company and local Zamindars, not a celebration of harvest festivals.

Explanation: The Tana Bhagat Movement, a notable civil disobedience campaign, took place from 1914 to 1920, preceding Mahatma Gandhi's broader Satyagraha movements.

Explanation: Traditionally, the Oraon people practiced plough agriculture rather than jhum cultivation (slash-and-burn) for their livelihood.

Explanation: The Tana Bhagats exemplified their adherence to Gandhian principles through practices such as wearing khadi and displaying the tricoloured flag.

Explanation: Filmmaker Ritwik Ghatak created a preparatory test film titled 'Oraon' in 1957, which documented the lives of Adivasi communities, specifically the Oraons, in the Ranchi region.

Explanation: The text discusses migration theories involving Konkan, Coorg, and Gujarat, but does not mention a migration path from the Brahmaputra Valley after the Ahom Kingdom's decline.

Explanation: The Kol uprising of 1832, in which the Kurukh participated, was directed against the oppressive policies and impositions of the British East India Company and local Zamindars.

Explanation: The Tana Bhagat Movement, led by Jatra Bhagat, was fundamentally a civil disobedience movement aimed at resisting British policies and taxation.

Explanation: The traditional method of cultivation practiced by the Oraon people was plough agriculture, differentiating them from those who practiced jhum (slash-and-burn) cultivation.

Explanation: The Tana Bhagats demonstrated their commitment to Gandhian principles by adopting practices such as wearing khadi and displaying the tricoloured flag during the Indian Independence movement.

Explanation: The Kurukh tribe adheres to a patrilineal and patrilocal system, meaning descent and residence are traced through the father's line.

Explanation: Kurukh clan names are derived from a variety of sources, including plants, animals, and objects, not exclusively from animal names.

Explanation: The Parha is the village-level political organization in Kurukh society, encompassing roles such as the Pahan (village priest) who leads religious ceremonies, and others involved in dispute resolution.

Explanation: The Dhumkuria was a traditional, informal institution for the socialization and education of youth within Kurukh society, not a formal higher education establishment created by the British.

Explanation: The Akhra functions as a public space within Kurukh villages, serving as a common meeting ground for discussions and dispute resolution, rather than a private residence for elders.

Explanation: A Parha council typically comprises twelve to thirty villages, indicating a larger organizational structure than a group of merely five to ten.

Explanation: The term 'Bhuinhari Khunt' signifies the major lineage groups within the Kurukh social structure, which are intrinsically linked to land ownership and form the basis of key offices.

Explanation: The Kurukh kinship and lineage system is characterized as patrilocal and patrilineal, indicating descent and residence are traced through the paternal line.

Explanation: Among the provided options, 'Bara' is an example of a Kurukh clan name derived from a plant (Banyan tree). 'Lakra' (Tiger) and 'Nag' (Cobra) are animal-derived, and 'Xaxa' (Crow) is also animal-derived.

Explanation: The Pahan holds the primary role of village priest within the traditional Kurukh village administration.

Explanation: The Dhumkuria served as a vital informal institution for the education and socialization of youth within traditional Kurukh society.

Explanation: A Parha council typically encompasses a confederation of twelve to thirty villages, functioning as a larger administrative and judicial body.

Explanation: The Akhra serves as a communal public space within Kurukh villages, functioning as a communal area for discussions, social gatherings, and the resolution of village disputes.

Explanation: The 'Raja' village occupies a position of prominence within the Parha council system, primarily because its headman presides over the meetings of the Parha Panchayat.

Explanation: The 'Bhuinhari Khunt' denotes the principal lineage groups within the Kurukh social structure, fundamentally tied to the concept of land ownership.

Explanation: The Kurukh people observe a range of traditional festivals, prominently including Sarhul and Karma, which are integral to their cultural calendar.

Explanation: The cultural heritage of the Kurukh people includes vibrant traditions of folk music and dance, often accompanied by instruments such as the Mandar and Nagara.

Explanation: In traditional Kurukh weddings, the sindoordaan ritual involves the groom applying vermilion powder to the bride's forehead, symbolizing their union.

Explanation: At the beginning of the 20th century, the traditional attire for Kurukh women consisted of a cloth reaching just above the knee and covering the chest, rather than a thick cotton sari.

Explanation: While Sarhul, Karma, and Nawakhani are traditional festivals observed by the Kurukh, Diwali is not typically listed among their indigenous celebrations.

Explanation: The traditional musical instruments associated with Kurukh folk music and dance include the Mandar, Nagara, and Kartal.

Explanation: The sindoordaan ritual in Kurukh weddings is significant as it involves the groom applying vermilion powder to the bride's forehead, symbolizing their marital union.

Explanation: At the turn of the 20th century, the traditional attire for Kurukh women was a garment reaching just above the knee and covering the chest, distinct from the modern sari.

Explanation: Modern traditional attire for Kurukh women typically involves wearing a thick cotton sari characterized by detailed stitched borders, frequently in purple or red thread.

Explanation: Based on the 2011 census, Hinduism constitutes the largest religious affiliation among the Kurukh Scheduled Tribes, followed by Christianity and Sarnaism.

Explanation: Sarnaism is an indigenous religion characterized by nature worship, including the veneration of sacred groves and celestial bodies, rather than the worship of Hindu deities like Vishnu and Shiva.

Explanation: The origin of Kamru Bhagats is attributed to Kurukh pilgrims who journeyed to Kamakhya in Assam, rather than Puri in Odisha.

Explanation: Christian Oraons adhere to various denominations within Christianity, including both Roman Catholicism and Protestantism.

Explanation: The 2011 census data indicates that Hinduism was the largest religious affiliation among the Kurukh Scheduled Tribes (36.4%), followed by Christianity (30.2%) and Sarnaism (29.2%).

Explanation: Sarnaism, the indigenous religion of the Adivasis in the Chota Nagpur Plateau, is fundamentally based on nature worship, encompassing the veneration of sacred groves and celestial bodies.

Explanation: In Sarnaism, 'Biri' refers to the Sun, and 'Chando' refers to the Moon, both significant elements in their nature-centric worship.

Explanation: The Kamru Bhagats trace their origins to Oraons who undertook a pilgrimage to Kamakhya in Assam, rather than Puri in Odisha.