Explanation: This assertion is factually incorrect. Urdu is classified as an Indo-Aryan language, belonging to the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European language family, not the Dravidian family.

Explanation: Yes, the development of Urdu is geographically traced to the region of Western Uttar Pradesh in India, specifically in the vicinity of Delhi.

Explanation: The grammatical foundation of Urdu is primarily based on the Khariboli dialect of the Delhi region, which is an early form of Hindi, not directly on ancient Sanskrit, although Sanskrit is a source for related Indo-Aryan languages.

Explanation: No, the name 'Urdu' originates from the Turkic word 'ordu,' meaning 'army.' It reflects the language's historical association with the military camps of the Mughal Empire.

Explanation: Yes, prior to its widespread adoption of the name 'Urdu,' the language was referred to by various terms, including Hindvi, Rekhta, Hindustani, and Dehlavi, among others.

Explanation: No, although the word 'Urdu' itself derives from a Turkic term for 'army,' the language is not genetically related to Turkic languages. Its linguistic classification is Indo-Aryan.

Explanation: Urdu primarily belongs to the Indo-Aryan language family, which is a branch of the Indo-Iranian languages, themselves part of the larger Indo-European language family.

Explanation: Urdu's geographical origins are situated in the region of Western Uttar Pradesh, India, particularly in the area surrounding Delhi, which was a significant cultural and political center.

Explanation: The grammatical structure of Urdu is primarily based on Khariboli, the dialect spoken in the Delhi region, which forms the core of the Hindustani language.

Explanation: The term 'Urdu' is derived from the Turkic word 'ordu,' which signifies 'army,' reflecting the language's historical association with the military camps of the Mughal Empire.

Explanation: While Rekhta, Dakhini, and Hindustani were indeed earlier names or related terms for the language, 'Sanskritized' is not an historical designation for Urdu.

Explanation: 'Rekhta' is an earlier designation for Urdu, particularly referring to its poetic register. The term itself is Persian, meaning 'mixture,' reflecting the language's composite nature.

Explanation: 'Lashkari Zaban' translates to 'military language,' directly referencing the origin of the word 'Urdu' itself from the Turkic term 'ordu' (army), highlighting its historical association with the imperial camp.

Explanation: Yes, in 1837, Urdu was officially recognized and adopted by the British East India Company, replacing Persian as the official language for administrative and judicial purposes in many regions.

Explanation: Yes, Persian exerted a profound influence on Urdu, contributing significantly to its script (the Nastaliq style of the Perso-Arabic script) and providing a substantial portion of its vocabulary, particularly in formal and literary contexts.

Explanation: Yes, Syed Ahmed Dehlavi, a 19th-century lexicographer, estimated that a very high percentage, nearly all verbs in Urdu, have roots in Sanskrit and Prakrit.

Explanation: This is incorrect. While Persian and Arabic have significantly influenced Urdu, the estimated percentage of vocabulary derived from these sources is typically cited as being between 25% and 30%, with the majority originating from Sanskrit and Prakrit.

Explanation: Yes, the patronage during the Mughal era and subsequent periods, particularly under the Nawabs of Awadh in Lucknow, was instrumental in refining Urdu and establishing it as a sophisticated medium for prose literature.

Explanation: Urdu was officially adopted by the British East India Company in 1837, marking a significant shift from the previous use of Persian as the administrative language.

Explanation: Persian significantly influenced Urdu by providing a substantial portion of its vocabulary, particularly for formal and literary registers, and by shaping its script through the adoption and adaptation of the Perso-Arabic writing system, specifically the Nastaliq style.

Explanation: Linguistic analyses suggest that approximately 75% of Urdu's vocabulary originates from Sanskrit and Prakrit, forming the core lexical base of the language.

Explanation: The Mughal Empire's adoption of Persian as its court language led to extensive borrowing of Persian vocabulary and the adaptation of its script into the developing Hindustani language, significantly shaping what would become Urdu.

Explanation: It is estimated that approximately 25% to 30% of Urdu's vocabulary originates from Persian and, to a lesser extent, Arabic, often integrated through Persian mediation.

Explanation: The 'Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb' signifies the syncretic culture arising from the interaction of Hindu and Muslim traditions in North India. This composite cultural milieu was crucial in fostering Hindustani, the linguistic precursor to both Hindi and Urdu.

Explanation: In 1837, the British colonial administration officially replaced Persian with vernacular languages, notably Urdu, as the official languages for administration and justice in many parts of India, marking a significant policy shift.

Explanation: This statement is false. While formal registers diverge significantly due to differing vocabulary sources, colloquial Urdu and Hindi remain highly mutually intelligible, sharing a common grammatical and lexical base.

Explanation: This is incorrect. Formal Urdu primarily draws its specialized vocabulary from Persian and Arabic, whereas formal Hindi draws primarily from Sanskrit.

Explanation: No, the Hindi-Urdu controversy was significantly influenced by religious, social, and political factors during the colonial period, rather than being solely based on grammatical structure.

Explanation: The Hindi-Urdu controversy primarily concerned the choice of script (Perso-Arabic for Urdu vs. Devanagari for Hindi) and vocabulary sources, intertwined with broader religious, social, and political identities, not the Roman script.

Explanation: No, Urdu and Hindi share nearly identical core vocabulary, syntax, and morphology, primarily derived from Sanskrit and Prakrit. Differences emerge mainly in their formal, literary, and technical vocabulary, which Urdu largely borrows from Persian and Arabic.

Explanation: Colloquial Urdu and Hindi exhibit a high degree of mutual intelligibility due to their shared grammatical structure and core vocabulary, often referred to as the Hindustani continuum.

Explanation: The divergence in mutual intelligibility between formal registers of Urdu and Hindi primarily stems from their distinct sources for specialized vocabulary: Urdu draws heavily from Persian and Arabic, while Hindi relies predominantly on Sanskrit.

Explanation: The Hindi-Urdu controversy was deeply intertwined with the religious, social, and political dynamics prevalent during the British colonial era in India, serving as a marker of distinct cultural identities.

Explanation: The Hindi-Urdu controversy amplified the linguistic and cultural distinctions perceived between Hindu and Muslim communities. Urdu became a potent symbol of Muslim identity, significantly influencing the political landscape, including the formation of the All-India Muslim League and contributing to the eventual partition of India.

Explanation: The core vocabulary, syntax, and morphology of Urdu and Hindi are substantially identical, reflecting their common origin in the Hindustani language. Divergences primarily occur in their formal registers and script choices.

Explanation: The principal distinction lies in their sources for formal vocabulary: Urdu draws extensively from Persian and Arabic, while Hindi relies predominantly on Sanskrit for its technical, literary, and scholarly lexicon.

Explanation: This statement is incorrect. Standard Hindi is conventionally written in the Devanagari script, whereas Standard Urdu is written in the Nastaliq style of the Perso-Arabic script.

Explanation: No, the Nastaliq script is notoriously complex to typeset due to its cursive nature and the thousands of ligatures (letter combinations) required, historically posing significant challenges for mechanical typesetting.

Explanation: Yes, 'Roman Urdu' denotes the practice of writing the Urdu language using the Latin alphabet, commonly observed in digital communication and informal contexts.

Explanation: The Kaithi script was used for both Urdu and Hindi in Bihar. While it saw official use in courts during the late 19th century, it was not exclusively for Urdu, and its prominence diminished due to the Hindi-Urdu script debate.

Explanation: Standard Urdu is conventionally written using the Nastaliq style, an elegant variant of the Perso-Arabic script, which has its historical roots in Persian calligraphy.

Explanation: The Nastaliq script's inherent complexity arises from its cursive nature, necessitating a vast array of ligatures (combinations of letters) to form words correctly. This complexity historically made mechanical typesetting exceptionally difficult.

Explanation: 'Roman Urdu' refers to the practice of transcribing the Urdu language using the Latin alphabet, a convention frequently employed in digital communication platforms.

Explanation: Yes, Urdu is designated as the national language of Pakistan and functions as a primary lingua franca, facilitating communication across diverse linguistic groups within the country.

Explanation: This statement is incorrect. Urdu is recognized under the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution and holds official status in several Indian states and union territories.

Explanation: Yes, estimates for 2020 indicate that Urdu had approximately 253 million total speakers, encompassing both native (L1) and second-language (L2) speakers.

Explanation: No, following the separation of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), Urdu was constitutionally recognized as the sole national language of Pakistan in 1973, although English and regional languages also hold official status.

Explanation: No, English has not completely replaced Urdu. While Urdu is the national language, English maintains significant prestige and dominance in Pakistan's higher government institutions, legal system, and economy.

Explanation: Yes, the 2011 census data indicated that there were approximately 50.8 million Urdu speakers in India.

Explanation: Urdu is constitutionally recognized as the national language of Pakistan and serves as a crucial lingua franca, facilitating communication across the country's diverse population.

Explanation: In India, Urdu is recognized as one of the 22 scheduled languages listed in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution, acknowledging its significance and granting it official status in various states and territories.

Explanation: Estimates for 2020 place the total number of Urdu speakers, including both native and second-language speakers, at approximately 253 million globally.

Explanation: The Bengali language movement and the subsequent separation of East Pakistan contributed to the constitutional recognition of Urdu as the sole national language of Pakistan in 1973, although other languages also hold official status.

Explanation: Although Urdu is the national language, English continues to hold significant prestige and functional importance in Pakistan's higher government echelons, the legal system, the military, and the economy.

Explanation: The 2011 census of India reported approximately 50.8 million Urdu speakers, constituting about 4.34% of the total population.

Explanation: In South Africa, Urdu holds constitutional recognition as a protected minority language, acknowledging its presence and cultural significance within the nation.

Explanation: According to the 2023 Pakistani census, approximately 9.25% of the population identified Urdu as their mother tongue, highlighting its role as a lingua franca rather than a majority native language.

Explanation: Amir Khusrau is indeed recognized as a foundational figure for Urdu literature, often called its 'father,' but his significant contributions date to the late 13th and early 14th centuries, not the 18th century.

Explanation: No, Dakhini is considered an older form or dialect of Urdu that flourished primarily in the Deccan region of Southern India, not a modern dialect of Northern India.

Explanation: Yes, Maulvi Abdul Haq, revered as 'Baba-e-Urdu' (Father of Urdu), was a prominent scholar and linguist who strongly advocated for Urdu's role as the national language of Pakistan.

Explanation: Yes, Dhakaiya Urdu is a dialect native to Old Dhaka, Bangladesh, with origins tracing back to the Mughal period.

Explanation: Amir Khusrau, a prominent poet of the late 13th and early 14th centuries, is widely acknowledged as the 'father of Urdu literature' for his foundational work in the vernacular.

Explanation: Dakhini represents an early form of Hindustani or Urdu that developed and flourished in the Deccan region of southern India, distinct for its incorporation of local vocabulary.

Explanation: Maulvi Abdul Haq, revered as 'Baba-e-Urdu,' was a pivotal figure who championed Urdu as the national language of Pakistan, viewing it as essential for national unity and identity.

Explanation: Dakhni Urdu is distinguished by its incorporation of vocabulary from regional languages such as Marathi and Konkani, alongside its distinct historical development in the Deccan region.