Legislative Unbinding
An in-depth examination of the constitutional mechanisms and political implications behind the termination of legislative terms across global democracies.
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Defining Dissolution
The Act of Termination
The dissolution of a legislative assembly, or parliament, signifies the simultaneous termination of service for all its members. This action is typically undertaken in anticipation of a subsequent general election, which will then form a new legislative body, potentially with a different composition of members. This process is a fundamental aspect of democratic governance, ensuring periodic renewal of representation.
Distinction from Other Processes
It is crucial to differentiate dissolution from other parliamentary procedures such as abolition, adjournment, or prorogation. While abolition permanently ends an assembly, adjournment or prorogation merely initiates a period of inactivity, after which the same members are expected to reconvene. For instance, a "second session of the fifth parliament" might be followed by a "third session of the fifth parliament" after prorogation, but a dissolution would lead to the "first session of the sixth parliament."
The Path to a New Assembly
In democratic systems, the dissolution of a legislature invariably leads to a general election. This electoral process allows the populace to choose representatives for the new assembly, thereby reaffirming the principles of popular sovereignty and accountability. The timing and conditions for such elections vary significantly across different constitutional frameworks.
Comparative Systems
Continental European Models
In many Continental European countries, the dissolution of parliament does not take immediate effect. Instead, it primarily serves to trigger an election. The existing assembly and its members typically remain in office until the newly elected assembly formally convenes. This approach often means that regularly scheduled elections, held before a fixed or maximum term expires, do not necessitate a formal dissolution.
Westminster System Dynamics
Conversely, in most Westminster systems, a dissolution legally terminates the existence of the assembly, creating a temporary power vacuum. In extraordinary circumstances, the old assembly might be recalled if urgent legislative action is required. This peculiarity also means that when an assembly reaches the end of its fixed or maximum term, it is automatically dissolved, as the act of dissolution is synonymous with the term's conclusion, and elections cannot precede it.
Early Dissolutions & Executive-Legislative Conflicts
Early dissolutions are a feature in many parliamentary and semi-presidential systems, often employed to resolve impasses between the executive and legislative branches. This can manifest as a "snap election" initiated by an executive seeking to bolster its legislative support, or an election triggered by the legislature withdrawing confidence or supply from the government. Some presidential systems also permit early dissolutions, typically through a legislative vote to dissolve itself, or, in more authoritarian contexts, by executive action, sometimes at the cost of the executive also facing a new election, as seen in Ecuador's muerte cruzada.
Bicameral Considerations
In bicameral legislatures, the dissolution mechanism can apply differently to the lower and upper houses. It may affect both jointly, or only the lower house, with the upper house remaining undissolved. In Westminster systems, "dissolution of parliament" commonly refers to the lower house, mirroring how "member of parliament" often denotes a member of the lower chamber.
Australia
Federal Parliament
In Australia, the House of Representatives can be dissolved at any time by the Governor-General, acting on the Prime Minister's advice. Its term automatically expires three years after its first meeting if not dissolved earlier. The Senate, however, can only be dissolved simultaneously with the House (a "double dissolution") and only under specific constitutional conditions. A key constitutional convention dictates that the Governor-General acts on the Prime Minister's advice for dissolution.
Parliament of Victoria
Unlike the Commonwealth Parliament, the Premier and Governor of Victoria have limited discretion regarding dissolution. Both the Legislative Assembly and Legislative Council are automatically dissolved twenty-five days before the last Saturday in November every four years. However, the Governor can dissolve the Legislative Assembly if a no-confidence motion against the Premier and ministers passes, and no confidence motion is passed within a week. Additionally, the Premier can advise the Governor to dissolve both houses if a bill becomes deadlocked.
Bangladesh
Constitutional Framework
In Bangladesh, Article 72 of the Constitution governs the dissolution of Parliament. The President is empowered to summon, prorogue, and dissolve Parliament through public notification, but this power is exercised based on the written advice of the Prime Minister. Following a dissolution, general elections must be held within 90 days, and the newly elected Parliament must convene within 30 days of the election results' publication.
2024 Constitutional Crisis
A significant event occurred on August 6, 2024, when President Mohammed Shahabuddin dissolved Parliament following Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's resignation amidst a mass uprising. This led to the formation of an interim government tasked with organizing new elections. This period highlighted a constitutional challenge, as Bangladesh's constitution does not explicitly provide for an interim government in such circumstances, leading to a constitutional crisis. The interim government subsequently established a Constitutional Reform Commission to draft a new constitution and prepare for constituent assembly elections.
Belgium
Royal Decree or Legislative Act
In Belgium, parliamentary dissolution can occur either by royal order or by law, specifically upon a Declaration of Revision of the Constitution (Article 195). Historically, elections have almost always been called in conjunction with these actions. A third theoretical scenario, dissolution by law due to a vacant throne, has never materialized.
Evolution of Dissolution Powers
Initially, a royal order could dissolve the Chamber, the Senate, or both. However, since 1884, both chambers have consistently been dissolved together. Constitutional reforms in 1993 stipulated that only the Chamber could be dissolved, with the Senate automatically dissolving alongside it. Further reforms in 2014 simplified this, as only the Chamber can now be dissolved, given that the Senate is no longer directly elected. Following dissolution, elections must be held within 40 days, and the new chambers must convene within three months.
Regional Autonomy
Notably, the parliaments of Belgium's regions and communities operate under fixed five-year terms and cannot be dissolved prematurely, reflecting a distinct layer of governmental stability.
Brazil
Modern Constitutional Stance
Under Brazil's current constitution, there is no formal mechanism to dissolve either the Federal Senate or the Chamber of Deputies, the two houses of the National Congress. This reflects a deliberate constitutional design to ensure legislative stability.
Imperial Era Precedent
Historically, during the Imperial Era, the Emperor held significant power. Emperor Dom Pedro I dissolved the first Brazilian legislative assembly in 1823, leading to the drafting of a new constitution by a Council of State. This was the first of eighteen dissolutions during the Imperial period, where the Emperor could dissolve the Chamber of Deputies (the Senate was not elected), often to resolve conflicts between political factions or the Council of Ministers.
Republican & Dictatorial Closures
The First Republic saw President Deodoro da Fonseca close the National Congress in 1891, an act later deemed a coup. During the Vargas Era, Getรบlio Vargas twice dissolved the legislature: first in 1930 as Head of the Provisional Government, and again in 1937 during his coup establishing the authoritarian Estado Novo. Even during a brief period of Republican Parliamentarism (1961-1963), a provision for presidential dissolution existed if three consecutive Councils of Ministers failed to gain parliamentary support, though it was never exercised. The military dictatorship (1964-1985) also saw the National Congress "suspended" three times by presidential decree, allowing the executive to legislate during these periods.
Canada
Federal Parliament
In Canada, the House of Commons can be dissolved at any time by the King or the Governor General, acting on the advice of the Prime Minister. The Senate, however, is not subject to dissolution. If the government loses a confidence vote or is denied supply, the Prime Minister must either resign or advise the Governor General to dissolve Parliament. The House of Commons typically dissolves within five years, though this period can be extended in exceptional circumstances like war or insurrection, requiring a two-thirds majority approval from the House.
Provincial Legislatures
Similarly, provincial legislative assemblies can be dissolved at any time by the King or the Lieutenant Governor, on the advice of the provincial Premier, for comparable reasons. Many provinces and territories have, however, implemented fixed election dates to provide greater predictability to the electoral cycle.
Czech Republic
Presidential Prerogative
The Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic can be dissolved by the President, provided specific constitutional conditions are met. The Senate, in contrast, is never subject to dissolution. Following a dissolution, snap elections must be conducted within 60 days.
Conditions for Dissolution
The Chamber can be dissolved under several conditions:
- If it fails to pass a motion of confidence for a government formed by a prime minister recommended by the speaker (after two failed attempts with a presidentially appointed prime minister).
- If it fails to pass a government-proposed law linked to a motion of confidence within three months.
- If it adjourns its meeting for more than 120 days.
- If it lacks a quorum for more than three months.
- If it passes a motion of dissolution by a constitutional majority (120 out of 200 deputies), obliging the President to dissolve it.
Historical Instance
Since the formation of the Czech Republic, the Chamber of Deputies has been dissolved only once, in 2013. This occurred after a prolonged crisis following the fall of Petr Neฤas' government, when the Chamber passed a motion of dissolution. Prior to a 2009 constitutional amendment that formalized these practices, attempts to shorten the term via special constitutional acts were blocked by the Constitutional Court.
Denmark
Electoral Call, Not Formal Dissolution
In Denmark, the government possesses the authority to call an election to the Folketing (parliament) at any time, and is constitutionally obligated to do so before the incumbent members' four-year terms expire. However, the Folketing is never formally "dissolved" in the sense of its legal existence ending. It retains its legislative power until new members are elected and the new parliament convenes.
Practical Implications
In practice, when an election is called, the Folketing typically cancels all its ongoing business to allow members to campaign. Nevertheless, in the event of a national emergency requiring urgent legislation before the election takes place, the Folketing can reconvene and exercise its legislative functions, highlighting its continuous legal existence despite the electoral process.
Ecuador
Muerte Cruzada: A Unique Mechanism
Article 148 of Ecuador's 2008 Constitution grants the President a unique power known as muerte cruzada (crossed death). This mechanism allows the President to dissolve the National Assembly, but at the significant cost of simultaneously triggering a fresh election for the presidency itself. This special election then sees a new president, vice-president, and National Assembly elected, who serve out the remainder of the original presidential and legislative terms.
2023 Political Crisis
The muerte cruzada was invoked for the first and only time during the 2023 Ecuadorian political crisis. President Guillermo Lasso, facing impeachment proceedings in the National Assembly, dissolved the legislative body. Although eligible, Lasso chose not to run for re-election. Daniel Noboa, his elected successor, and the newly elected National Assembly in 2023 are serving out the remainder of the term until 2025, demonstrating the profound impact of this constitutional power.
Estonia
Regular Elections and Early Dissolution
Estonia's unicameral parliament, the Riigikogu, holds regular elections on the first Sunday of March every four years. However, Section 60 of the Constitution allows the President to dissolve the Riigikogu and call early elections if one of four specific circumstances arises before the four-year term expires.
Conditions for Presidential Dissolution
The President must call an early election if:
- A new Government cannot be formed after the outgoing Government's resignation, following the constitutional procedure.
- The Riigikogu passes a motion of no confidence in the Government or Prime Minister, and the Government proposes (within three days) that the President call an early election.
- A proposed law submitted to a referendum by the Riigikogu fails to receive a majority of votes.
- The Riigikogu fails to approve a national budget within two months of the financial year's start.
Notably, in the second case, a government that has lost confidence is not obliged to request an early election, and the President can refuse such a request if a successor government appears viable. As of 2018, every convocation of the Riigikogu has completed its full term.
Finland
Presidential Power with Consultation
The President of Finland holds the authority to dissolve the parliament and call for an early election. However, under the current version of the 2000 Constitution, this power is not unilateral. The President can only exercise this right upon a proposal from the Prime Minister and after conducting consultations with the parliamentary groups while the Parliament is in session. This mechanism ensures a degree of consensus and stability in the decision to dissolve the legislature, contrasting with prior constitutional versions where the President could act independently.
France
Presidential Authority
Under Article 12 of the 1958 French Constitution, the President of the French Republic possesses the power to dissolve the National Assembly at any time. This decision requires prior consultation with the Prime Minister and the presidents of both chambers of Parliament. Following the declaration of dissolution, new elections must be held within a period of twenty to forty days. A significant safeguard is that the National Assembly elected after such a dissolution cannot be dissolved again within the first year of its term, ensuring a period of legislative stability.
Recent Historical Precedents
A dissolution of the National Assembly most recently occurred in June 2024, when President Emmanuel Macron dissolved the assembly to prompt the 2024 French legislative election. Previously, President Jacques Chirac dissolved the National Assembly before the 1997 French legislative election. His aim was to secure a new parliament more aligned with his policies; however, this strategy ultimately backfired when the opposition Socialist Party won the election against Chirac's party, the Rally for the Republic, leading to a period of "cohabitation" where the President and Prime Minister were from opposing political parties.
Germany
Conditions for Bundestag Dissolution
According to the Basic Law, Germany's federal president can dissolve the Bundestag (the lower house of parliament) under two specific conditions:
- If the Chancellor loses a vote of confidence.
- If a newly elected Bundestag fails to elect a Chancellor with an absolute majority.
The second scenario has never occurred. The Bundesrat, the second federal legislative body, cannot be dissolved as its members represent the federal states' governments rather than individuals.
Strategic Dissolutions
The Bundestag has been dissolved four times (1972, 1982, 2005, and 2024) when the incumbent Chancellors (Willy Brandt, Helmut Kohl, Gerhard Schrรถder, and Olaf Scholz, respectively) deliberately lost votes of confidence. This strategic maneuver was undertaken to trigger fresh elections, aiming to strengthen their political mandate or resolve governmental impasses. Challenges to these dissolution decrees before the Constitutional Court in 1982 and 2005 were unsuccessful. No president has yet refused a dissolution when presented with these constitutional choices. The Bundestag is also automatically dissolved four years after the last general election, though most have lasted the full term.
Hong Kong
Chief Executive's Power
Under Article 51 of the Hong Kong Basic Law, the Chief Executive, who serves as both head of the territory and head of government, has the power to dissolve the Legislative Council. This power can be exercised under specific circumstances:
- If the Legislative Council fails to pass the appropriation bill or any other important bill.
- If the Legislative Council passes a bill, but the Chief Executive refuses to give assent and returns the bill, and the Council then passes the bill again with a two-thirds majority, and the Chief Executive again refuses assent.
Pre-Handover Context
Prior to the handover of Hong Kong in 1997, the Legislative Council could be dissolved at any time at the Governor's discretion, reflecting a different constitutional arrangement under colonial rule.
India
Presidential Authority and Legislative Impact
In India, legislative power is vested in the Parliament, with the President serving as its head. The President summons, prorogues, and also holds the power to dissolve the Lok Sabha (the lower house) under Article 75(2)(b) of the Constitution. A significant consequence of Lok Sabha dissolution is that all bills pending within it lapse, meaning they must be reintroduced and passed by a new Lok Sabha. Conversely, bills pending in the Rajya Sabha (the upper house) do not lapse and can remain active for decades, highlighting the distinct roles and continuity of the two chambers.
Indonesia
Constitutional Prohibition
The Constitution of Indonesia explicitly prohibits the President from dissolving the House of Representatives. This fundamental principle was initially articulated in the explanatory memorandum to the Constitution and was later incorporated into the main body of the text (specifically, Article 7C) during the Third Amendment, reinforcing its importance in the nation's governance structure.
2001 Constitutional Crisis
Despite this constitutional prohibition, Indonesia experienced a constitutional crisis in 2001 when President Abdurrahman Wahid attempted to prorogue the House of Representatives through a presidential decree on July 23, 2001. This event underscored the tension that can arise between executive power and constitutional limitations, even when explicit prohibitions are in place.
Republic of Ireland
Dรกil รireann Dissolution
In the Republic of Ireland, Dรกil รireann, the lower house of the Oireachtas (parliament), can be dissolved by the President on the advice of the Taoiseach (Prime Minister). The President's power to deny such a dissolution is limited, typically only if the Taoiseach has lost the confidence of the Dรกil through a vote of no confidence, or potentially if a crucial bill like the Budget fails to pass. A Dรกil must be dissolved, and a general election held, within five years of its first meeting.
Notable Instances of Presidential Discretion
While no President has ever formally refused a dissolution, there are two notable instances where the President's potential discretion was a factor: in 1989, when Taoiseach Charles Haughey initially refused to resign after the Dรกil failed to elect a Taoiseach, and in 1994, when Albert Reynolds resigned without requesting a dissolution to facilitate a new coalition. These events highlight the subtle interplay of constitutional convention and political strategy. The Seanad รireann (Senate) is not dissolved with the Dรกil and may continue to meet, though it typically does not during an election campaign.
Italy
Presidential Authority and Limitations
The President of Italy holds the authority to dissolve Parliament (either one or both Houses) and subsequently call for new elections. During this transitional period, the powers of the old parliament are extended. However, this authority is curtailed during the "semestre bianco," the final six months of the President's seven-year term, unless this period coincides, at least in part, with the final six months of Parliament's five-year term, as stipulated in Article 88 of the Constitution of Italy.
Complexities of Dissolution
Following the resignation of the Cabinet (either by the Prime Minister's decision or a vote of no confidence), the President consults with parliamentary leaders and life senators to identify a potential new Prime Minister capable of forming a government with parliamentary confidence. Dissolution occurs only if political groups fail to agree on a majority coalition. This indicates that the actual power of dissolution is, in practice, shared among the President, Parliament, political parties, and the outgoing Prime Minister. Since 1948, the Italian Parliament has been dissolved nine times before completing its five-year term.
Israel
Early Elections and Knesset Dissolution
In Israel, early elections to the Knesset (parliament) can be called before their scheduled date (the third Tuesday in the Jewish month of Cheshvan, four years after the previous elections). This process is legally termed the "Dissolution of the Knesset" and can be triggered by several conditions:
- The Prime Minister calls early elections with Presidential approval due to political gridlock.
- No government is formed after 42 days of consultations with party floor leaders in the Knesset.
- The budget is not approved by the Knesset by March 31st (three months after the fiscal year begins).
- Half of the Knesset members vote in favor of early elections.
Formal Termination
Strictly speaking, the Knesset is only truly dissolvedโmeaning it is unconstituted and all Members of Knesset (MKs) lose their seatsโautomatically 14 days after elections, coinciding with the commencement of the newly elected Knesset's term. This distinction highlights the procedural nuances between calling early elections and the formal end of a parliamentary term.
Japan
Imperial Prerogative, Cabinet Advice
In Japan, the House of Representatives of the National Diet (parliament) can be dissolved at any time by the Emperor, but only on the advice of the Cabinet, which is headed by the Prime Minister. While the Constitution of Japan specifies a maximum four-year term for all members of the House, parliaments have historically been dissolved prematurely, with only two exceptions (December 9, 1976, and October 31, 2021) where the full term was served.
Undissolvable Upper House
In contrast, the House of Councillors, the upper house, cannot be dissolved. Its members serve fixed six-year terms, with half of the seats and the Speaker of the Councillors up for re-election every three years. While it cannot be dissolved, it can be closed and, in times of national emergency, convoked for an emergency session. The Emperor's role in both convoking the Diet and dissolving the House of Representatives is purely ceremonial, always acting on the Cabinet's advice.
New Zealand
Governor-General's Role
The Parliament of New Zealand can be dissolved or prorogued at any point during its three-year term by the Governor-General. This action is typically taken on the advice of the Prime Minister, reflecting the conventional exercise of executive power within the Westminster system. This mechanism allows for flexibility in the electoral cycle, enabling early elections if deemed necessary by the government of the day.
Norway
Fixed Term Parliament
According to the Constitution of Norway, the Storting (parliament) operates under a strict fixed-term principle. It cannot be dissolved before serving its full four-year term. This constitutional provision ensures a high degree of stability in the legislative branch, preventing early elections and limiting the executive's power to call for snap polls. This contrasts sharply with systems where dissolution is a common political tool.
Pakistan
National Assembly Dissolution
In Pakistan, the National Assembly, the country's lower house, is subject to dissolution either automatically at the conclusion of its five-year term, or earlier. If dissolved prematurely, general elections must be held within 60 days. The Prime Minister can advise the President to dissolve the National Assembly, and the President is constitutionally bound to act on this advice within 48 hours, after which the Assembly is automatically dissolved.
Undissolvable Senate
The Senate, Pakistan's upper house, cannot be dissolved, ensuring its continuous existence and a degree of legislative stability. Prior to the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan, the President held greater discretionary power to dissolve the National Assembly without the Prime Minister's advice, specifically through Article 58-2(B), a power that has since been curtailed.
Peru
Presidential Power and Impeachment Risk
Under the Peruvian Constitution of 1993, the President of Peru is authorized to dissolve the Congress of Peru if the legislative body passes a vote of no confidence three times. Following such a dissolution, the President has a four-month window to call for new parliamentary elections; failure to do so can lead to impeachment. This mechanism creates a high-stakes dynamic between the executive and legislative branches.
Historical Crises
The Congress of Peru has been dissolved twice in recent history. In 1992, President Alberto Fujimori executed an "auto-coup," dismantling both the legislative and judicial branches. More recently, in October 2019, incumbent President Martรญn Vizcarra dissolved Congress in an effort to resolve a prolonged political crisis. In both instances, the presidents were immediately impeached and removed from office by the dissolved Congress, highlighting the contentious and often illegitimate nature of such actions. A further attempt by the President to dissolve Congress in December 2022 also resulted in impeachment.
Romania
Limited Presidential Dissolution
According to the Romanian Constitution, adopted in 1991 and revised in 2003, the President's power to dissolve Parliament is highly circumscribed. The President may only dissolve Parliament if it rejects two consecutive Prime Minister candidates proposed by the President. This applies to both houses of Parliament. Since the adoption of the current constitution in 1991, no dissolution of the Parliament has taken place in Romania, underscoring the stability and the high threshold required for such an action.
Russia
Conditions for State Duma Dissolution
Under Articles 111 and 117 of the Russian Constitution, the President may dissolve the State Duma, the lower house of the Federal Assembly. This power can be exercised if the State Duma either expresses no confidence in the Government of Russia twice within two months, or if it rejects the President's proposed candidate for Prime Minister three times consecutively. The Federation Council, the upper house of the Federal Parliament, cannot be dissolved.
Historical Context
Despite these constitutional provisions, the power to dissolve the State Duma has not been exercised under the current 1993 constitution. However, prior to its enactment, President Boris Yeltsin controversially dissolved the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of Russia during the 1993 Russian constitutional crisis, an action taken without formal constitutional powers at the time, highlighting a period of significant political upheaval.
Spain
Royal and Executive Powers
In Spain, legislatures are typically elected for four-year terms, after which the King formally dissolves the Cortes Generales (the Spanish Parliament). However, the Prime Minister, following deliberation with the Cabinet, also possesses the authority to dissolve the Cortes prematurely. An exceptional circumstance for dissolution occurs if, two months after the first unsuccessful investiture attempt, no Prime Minister has been appointed, in which case the King is constitutionally mandated to dissolve the Cortes.
Sri Lanka
Presidential Dissolution with Constraints
According to the Constitution of Sri Lanka, the Parliament has a maximum legislative term of five years from its first meeting. The President of Sri Lanka holds the power to dissolve Parliament. However, this power is subject to a significant constraint: the President cannot dissolve Parliament until a period of at least two years and six months has elapsed from the date appointed for its first meeting, unless Parliament itself requests the President to dissolve it by resolution. This provision aims to ensure a minimum period of legislative stability before an early election can be called.
United Kingdom
Parliament of the United Kingdom
The King of the United Kingdom retains the prerogative power to dissolve Parliament at any time. By constitutional convention, this power is exercised solely on the advice of the Prime Minister. This prerogative was temporarily removed by the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 but was subsequently revived by the Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Act 2022. A Parliament also automatically dissolves five years after its first meeting if not dissolved earlier.
Northern Ireland Assembly
The Northern Ireland Assembly can vote to dissolve itself early with a two-thirds majority of its total members. It is also automatically dissolved if it fails to elect a First Minister and Deputy First Minister (effectively joint first ministers) within six weeks of its first meeting or if those positions become vacant, ensuring governmental functionality.
Scottish Parliament
Under the Scotland Act 1998, ordinary general elections for the Scottish Parliament are held on the first Thursday in May every five years (originally four, extended by the Scottish Elections (Reform) Act 2020). The Parliament can be dissolved by the monarch via royal proclamation if it resolves to do so with at least a two-thirds majority, or if it fails to nominate a First Minister within specified time limits.
National Assembly for Wales (Senedd)
The Wales Act 2014 established that ordinary general elections to the Senedd (Welsh Parliament) are held on the first Thursday in May every five years. This extension from a four-year term was specifically designed to prevent Senedd elections from clashing with general elections to the Westminster Parliament, particularly after the implementation of the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011.
United States
No Congressional Dissolution
The United States Constitution does not permit the dissolution of Congress. Instead, it allows for prorogation by the President of the United States when Congress is unable to agree on a time of adjournment. This presidential authority to prorogue Congress has, to date, never been exercised. The delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 1787 deliberately limited presidential authority to prevent a return to autocracy, a principle famously articulated by Alexander Hamilton in Federalist No. 69, where he stressed that the President, unlike the King of Great Britain, lacks the power to dismiss Congress at will.
Historical Context: Massachusetts Bay
A historical precursor to this constitutional stance can be seen in 1774, after the Boston Tea Party, when the Massachusetts Bay Province's legislature was dismissed under the Massachusetts Government Act, and the colony was placed under martial law. This act of executive dismissal, intended to suppress dissent, directly contributed to the Battles of Lexington and Concord and the onset of the Revolutionary War, influencing the framers' later decisions to safeguard legislative independence.
Venezuela
Presidential Dissolution Powers
The Bolivarian Constitution of Venezuela authorizes the President to dissolve the National Assembly under specific conditions. Article 236, Paragraph 23, explicitly states that one of the President's powers is to "Dissolve the National Assembly in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution." This power is further clarified in Article 240, which explains that Parliament can be dissolved if, within the same constitutional period, the Assembly approves the removal of the country's Vice President by means of censure three times. Additionally, the Parliament cannot be dissolved during the last year of its constitutional period.
2017 Constitutional Crisis
The decree of dissolution of the Venezuelan Congress mandates that elections for a new legislature must be held within the subsequent 60 days. A significant event occurred during the 2017 Venezuelan constitutional crisis when the Supreme Tribunal of Justice dissolved the National Assembly and assumed its legislative powers. This decision was widely viewed by the Venezuelan opposition and much of the international community as a "self-coup" by President Nicolรกs Maduro. Following several days of intense pressure, the decision was reversed on the advice of President Maduro, highlighting the fragility of constitutional norms in times of political turmoil.
Dissolution in Fiction
Star Wars: Galactic Empire
In the 1977 science fiction film Star Wars, the Emperor dissolves the Senate of the Galactic Empire. This Senate, already a mere "rubber stamp" after his seizure of power from the former Galactic Republic, is eliminated at the outset of the Galactic Civil War. This move is driven by growing sympathy for the Rebel Alliance within the Senate, leaving individual planets under the direct control of regional governors, with the newly created Death Star serving as the ultimate deterrent against dissent and to ensure allegiance to the Empire.
King Charles III: A Constitutional Drama
The 2014 play King Charles III, and its 2017 television adaptation, explores a fictional constitutional crisis in the United Kingdom. The narrative centers on King Charles III's refusal to grant royal assent to a parliamentary bill restricting freedom of the press. When Parliament attempts to abolish royal assent in response, the King dissolves the British Parliament, leading to a profound constitutional crisis that ultimately forces him to abdicate in favor of his son, Prince William. This dramatic portrayal highlights the potential for executive-legislative conflict over fundamental constitutional powers.
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References
References
- Sir John Kerrรขยยs Statement of Reasons for the dismissal of Gough Whitlam, issued by Government House on 11 November 1975
- Constitution of Russia. Chapter 6. The Government of the Russian Federation
- Yeltsin: shadow of a doubt - Boris Yeltsin | National Interest, The | Find Articles at BNET.com
- Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011, section 4
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