The Liberal Legacy
An academic exploration of the Liberal Party's profound impact on UK politics, from its Whig origins to its modern transformations.
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What is the Liberal Party?
Foundational Identity
The Liberal Party stood as one of the two dominant political forces in the United Kingdom during the 19th and early 20th centuries, alongside the Conservative Party. Its genesis in the 1850s was an amalgamation of diverse political currents: the Whigs, proponents of free trade known as Peelites, and the reform-minded Radicals. This alliance rapidly solidified, leading to the formation of four governments under the transformative leadership of William Ewart Gladstone by the close of the 19th century.
Evolution & Decline
Despite its early successes, the party faced significant internal divisions, notably over the contentious issue of Irish Home Rule. A brief resurgence saw the party return to power in 1905, securing a decisive victory in the 1906 general election. Under Prime Ministers Henry Campbell-Bannerman and H. H. Asquith, the Liberal Party enacted pioneering reforms that laid the groundwork for a basic welfare state. However, the First World War and subsequent internal fragmentation, particularly the split between Asquith and David Lloyd George, severely weakened the party. By the 1920s, the Labour Party had largely absorbed former Liberal voters, displacing the Liberals as the primary opposition to the Conservatives.
Resurgence & Merger
The mid-20th century saw the Liberal Party's electoral fortunes dwindle to near extinction, often securing only a handful of seats in general elections. A significant turning point arrived in 1981 with the formation of the SDP–Liberal Alliance, a coalition with the newly established Social Democratic Party (SDP). This alliance achieved considerable electoral support, though not a proportional number of parliamentary seats. Ultimately, in 1988, the Liberal Party and the SDP formally merged to create the Social and Liberal Democrats, later renamed the Liberal Democrats. A minority faction, however, chose to reconstitute the Liberal Party in 1989, continuing its independent political activity.
Historical Trajectory
Whig Roots & Formation
The Liberal Party's lineage can be traced back to the Whigs, an aristocratic faction emerging during the reign of Charles II, and the early 19th-century Radicals. The Whigs championed parliamentary power over the Crown, a stance that, over time, evolved into a broader support for democratic expansion. Key figures like Charles James Fox and Earl Grey spearheaded reformist Whiggery, culminating in the First Reform Act of 1832. This act, while a triumph for Whiggism, paradoxically heralded its decline by empowering the middle classes and fostering a systematic middle-class liberalism. The formal establishment of the Liberal Party is traditionally dated to 1859, when the remaining Peelites, Radicals, and Whigs united to challenge the Conservative government, leading to Palmerston's second ministry. The party's national organizational structure was cemented with the National Liberal Federation's founding in 1877, and notable intellectuals like John Stuart Mill served as Liberal MPs.
Gladstone's Dominance
For three decades, William Gladstone became the embodiment of Liberalism, serving as Prime Minister four times between 1868 and 1894. His fiscal policies, grounded in balanced budgets, low taxation, and laissez-faire economics, were well-suited to a burgeoning capitalist society. Gladstone was a charismatic orator, appealing to the working and lower-middle classes, and infused politics with a new moral dimension rooted in his evangelical convictions and opposition to aristocracy. His first Liberal government (1868–1874) achieved significant reforms, including the Elementary Education Act 1870, the abolition of army commission purchases, religious test removal for Oxford and Cambridge admissions, the introduction of the secret ballot, legalization of trade unions, and judicial reorganization through the Judicature Act. In Ireland, his administration enacted crucial land reforms, ending centuries of landlord oppression, and disestablished the Anglican Church of Ireland via the Irish Church Act 1869.
Home Rule & Division
The Third Reform Act of 1884 significantly expanded the franchise, particularly to Irish Catholics, leading to the Irish Parliamentary Party holding the balance of power after the 1885 general election. Their demand for Irish Home Rule as a condition for supporting Gladstone's ministry triggered a profound crisis within the Liberal Party. Gladstone's personal endorsement of Home Rule was met with fierce opposition from a strong Liberal Unionist faction, led by Joseph Chamberlain, and the remaining Whigs. The proposed bill, which included state-assisted land purchases for Irish tenants, was seen by some as a desperate attempt to secure Irish support and was not part of the Liberals' original manifesto. This resulted in a catastrophic split, leading to a heavy defeat in the 1886 election and the defection of the Liberal Unionists, who eventually aligned with the Conservative Party. A final, short-lived Gladstone ministry in 1892 also failed to pass Irish Home Rule through the House of Lords.
Newcastle & Unions
The departure of the aristocratic element following the Home Rule split allowed Gladstonian Liberals to adopt the Newcastle Programme in 1891. This comprehensive agenda included Irish Home Rule, disestablishment of the Church of England in Wales, stricter controls on liquor sales, expanded factory regulations, and various democratic political reforms. This program resonated strongly with the nonconformist middle-class Liberal base. A significant long-term consequence of the Third Reform Act was the rise of "Lib-Lab" candidates. With the Labour Party yet to be formed, many trade unions allied with the Liberals, sponsoring candidates in working-class, particularly coal-mining, constituencies. This facilitated the election of numerous trade union-backed MPs, further shifting the party's composition away from its Whig old guard.
Post-Gladstone Era
Following Gladstone's retirement in 1894, the Liberal Party entered a period of leadership instability under the ineffectual Lord Rosebery, leading to a significant defeat in the 1895 general election. The 1890s were characterized by intense infighting among Gladstone's successors: William Harcourt, Lord Rosebery, and John Morley. Their disagreements over Irish Home Rule and imperial policies led to resignations and further internal strife. The party's turmoil was briefly muted but reignited with the Second Boer War, which saw the emergence of pro-war Liberal Imperialists (including future leaders H. H. Asquith, Edward Grey, and Richard Burdon Haldane) and anti-war Pro-Boers, led by the rising David Lloyd George. Henry Campbell-Bannerman, as party leader, struggled to maintain unity amidst these deep ideological rifts.
Factions & Ideologies
By 1906, the Liberal Party was a complex tapestry of often contradictory and hostile factions. It encompassed imperialists and Boer sympathizers, near-socialists and classical liberals, suffragettes and anti-suffragists, and proponents and opponents of military alliances. Nonconformist Protestants, historically a powerful voting bloc, advocated for educational and taxation reforms related to the established Anglican Church, though their influence waned after 1900. The party also included Irish Catholics and secularists from the labor movement. Many former Conservatives, including Winston Churchill, had joined the Liberal ranks in protest against high tariffs, bringing with them diverse views, particularly on military matters. Despite these internal tensions, a unifying principle was the belief in using politics and Parliament to improve society and reform the political system. The party was particularly incensed by the Conservative-dominated House of Lords' repeated obstruction of reform legislation.
New Liberalism
The late 19th century witnessed the rise of "New Liberalism," an intellectual current within the party that championed state intervention as a mechanism to ensure freedom and alleviate societal impediments like poverty and unemployment. This ideological shift, now recognized as social liberalism, was articulated by thinkers such as L. T. Hobhouse and John A. Hobson. They posited that individual liberty could only genuinely flourish under favorable social and economic conditions, which necessitated collective action coordinated by a robust, welfare-oriented, and interventionist state. David Lloyd George, a key proponent, famously contrasted Old Liberalism's focus on political ideals with New Liberalism's commitment to addressing immediate causes of discontent, stating, "It is equally true that a man cannot live without bread."
Zenith & War
Following their historic 1906 election victory, the Liberal government, under Henry Campbell-Bannerman and later H. H. Asquith, embarked on a series of radical reforms. These included pioneering legislation for health insurance, unemployment insurance, and pensions for elderly workers, effectively laying the foundation for Britain's future welfare state. The "People's Budget" of 1909, championed by David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, introduced unprecedented progressive taxation on the wealthy to fund these welfare programs and naval expansion. A constitutional crisis ensued when the House of Lords rejected the budget, leading to two general elections in 1910 and the eventual passage of the Parliament Act 1911, which curtailed the Lords' veto power. However, the period was also marked by intense industrial unrest and the escalating Irish Home Rule crisis, which brought Ireland to the brink of civil war just as the First World War erupted in August 1914. Historians debate whether these pre-war crises already signaled the "Strange Death of Liberal England" or if the war itself was the decisive factor in the party's decline.
Wartime Collapse
The First World War proved to be a cataclysmic event for the Liberal Party. Its traditional tenets of free speech, conscience, free trade, and opposition to heavy armaments and compulsion were fundamentally challenged by the demands of total war. Unlike the Conservatives, who embraced intervention from the outset, many Liberals struggled with the moral justifications for war and the necessity of authoritarian measures like conscription and censorship. Asquith's government faced criticism for its perceived lack of vigor, particularly during the Shell Crisis of 1915 and the disastrous Gallipoli Campaign. This led to the formation of a coalition government in May 1915, the last time Liberals would control the government. The coalition eventually collapsed in late 1916, with Conservatives withdrawing support from Asquith and backing Lloyd George, who formed a new coalition dominated by Conservatives. This split the Liberal Party irrevocably, with Asquith and his followers moving to the opposition benches, effectively ending the party's capacity to lead a government independently.
Post-War Decline
Lloyd George, despite remaining a Liberal, adopted policies during the war that diverged sharply from traditional Liberal principles, such as strong government controls over industry and conscription. This alienated many ideological Liberals and, coupled with the emergence of the vigorous Labour Party, provided a new political home for disillusioned voters. The Representation of the People Act 1918 tripled the electorate, primarily benefiting Labour. In the 1918 "khaki election," Lloyd George's coalition, backed by a "coupon" of support from Conservative leader Bonar Law, secured a massive victory, but the Asquithian Liberals were decimated. Labour became the official opposition in 1922. Despite a brief reunion of Liberal factions in 1923 in opposition to Conservative protectionist tariffs, the party continued to lose ground to Labour, particularly in urban areas affected by unemployment. Asquith's strategic error in allowing Labour to form a minority government in 1924, hoping for their incompetence to pave the way for a Liberal revival, instead led to Labour consolidating its position and further marginalizing the Liberals, reducing them to a mere forty seats in Parliament after the 1924 snap election.
Near Extinction
The period from the 1930s to the 1950s marked the Liberal Party's nadir. Lloyd George, as party leader after Asquith's resignation in 1926, attempted a revival with an ambitious economic program, "We Can Conquer Unemployment!", largely authored by John Maynard Keynes for the 1929 general election. While the Liberals gained some ground nationally, they continued to lose seats to Labour in urban areas, with their remaining strength concentrated in rural "Celtic fringe" constituencies. The party's internal divisions deepened during the Great Depression, particularly over participation in the National Government formed in 1931. This led to a further split between the "Samuelites" (official Liberals) and the "Simonites" (Liberal Nationals), who aligned with the government. Despite initial support, the official Liberals eventually resigned from ministerial posts over protectionist policies and moved into complete opposition by late 1933. By the 1935 general election, they were reduced to just 17 MPs. During World War II, they joined Churchill's coalition, but their influence was minimal. Post-war elections in 1945, 1950, and 1951 saw their parliamentary representation dwindle to just 12, then 9, and finally 6 MPs, with most surviving only due to electoral pacts with Conservatives. The party was often satirized as being small enough to hold meetings in the back of a single taxi.
Revival & Alliance
The Liberal Party's fortunes began to revive in the late 1950s and 1960s under the leadership of Jo Grimond, who became leader in 1956. The party maintained a presence in traditional rural Scottish and Welsh constituencies and through local electoral arrangements in some English towns. Grimond sought to reposition the Liberals as a radical centrist, non-socialist alternative to the dominant Conservative and Labour parties. He actively engaged with younger voters and university students, advocating for British membership in the European Economic Community. This revival was dramatically signaled by Eric Lubbock's victory in the 1962 Orpington by-election, marking the first Liberal gain in the London suburbs since 1935. Under Grimond and his successor, Jeremy Thorpe, the Liberals regained status as a significant third force, consistently polling up to 20% of the vote, though struggling to translate this into a proportional number of seats in the Commons due to the electoral system and competition from nationalist parties in Scotland and Wales. In the February 1974 general election, the Liberals achieved their highest-ever vote count (6.1 million), holding the balance of power, but coalition talks with the Conservatives failed over demands for proportional representation. After Thorpe's resignation, David Steel negotiated the Lib–Lab pact with Prime Minister James Callaghan (1977-1978), offering parliamentary support in exchange for policy influence, though this proved largely unfruitful.
Merger & Legacy
The election of Margaret Thatcher's Conservative government in 1979 pushed the Liberals back to the political margins. A new opportunity arose in 1981 with the formation of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) by moderate Labour defectors. The SDP–Liberal Alliance quickly formed, initially polling as high as 50% and generating significant optimism, with David Steel famously urging Liberals to "prepare for government!" However, the Falklands War boosted Conservative support, and in the 1983 general election, the Alliance, despite securing over a quarter of the national vote, won only 23 seats due to its geographically dispersed support. The 1987 election saw a slight decline in their vote share and 22 MPs. Following this, Steel proposed a merger of the two parties. While most SDP members approved, leader David Owen dissented, leading a "rump" SDP. In March 1988, the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party officially merged to form the Social and Liberal Democrats, subsequently renamed the Liberal Democrats in October 1989. The vast majority of Liberal members and all sitting MPs joined the new party. A minority faction of Liberals, however, opposed the merger and reconstituted the Liberal Party in 1989, which continues to contest elections and hold local council seats.
Ideological Evolution
Classical Liberalism
Throughout the 19th century, the Liberal Party largely adhered to what is now termed classical liberalism. This doctrine championed laissez-faire economic policies, notably free trade, and advocated for minimal government intervention in the economy. This approach, often referred to as Gladstonian liberalism, was characteristic of the Victorian era. The party's platform also emphasized social reform, personal liberty, a reduction in the powers of the Crown and the Church of England (reflecting the strong influence of nonconformist Protestants within its ranks), and an expansion of the electoral franchise. Sir William Harcourt, a prominent Victorian Liberal, articulated this ethos in 1872, stating that the Liberal party was "more pledged than another to resist a policy of restrictive legislation, having for its object social coercion," and that "a free Government interferes with nothing except what it must." He stressed the party's tradition of maintaining individual liberty, which he credited for England's status as a nation where people could "do more what they please than in any other country in the world."
Social Liberalism
By the early 20th century, a significant ideological shift occurred within the Liberal Party, giving rise to "New Liberalism," which is synonymous with contemporary social liberalism. This evolving philosophy maintained a commitment to personal liberty but integrated a crucial belief in government intervention to provide social welfare. This transformation was most evident in the Liberal government led by H. H. Asquith and his Chancellor, David Lloyd George. Their "Liberal reforms" in the early 1900s were instrumental in establishing a foundational welfare state in Britain. The party's 1929 general election program, "We Can Conquer Unemployment!", further underscored this commitment to state intervention, a stance that the Liberal Yellow Book of the era explicitly contrasted with the views of "right-wing extremists" who opposed such intervention.
Religious Influence
Nonconformist Protestants played a pivotal and enduring role in English politics from 1660 onwards, forming a significant voting bloc, particularly in regions like the East Midlands. These Dissenters, highly organized and motivated, largely swayed the Whigs and later the Liberals to their cause. Their initial demands focused on the repeal of political and civil disabilities, such as those imposed by the Test and Corporation Acts, which excluded them from public office and higher education. Following the repeal of these acts in 1828 and subsequent voting reforms, Dissenters gained increased political power. They successfully campaigned for the end of compulsory church rates and religious tests for university degrees. Gladstone skillfully garnered their support for Irish Home Rule, forging an unlikely alliance between dissenting Protestants and Irish Roman Catholics. The "nonconformist conscience" also strongly influenced moralistic issues like temperance and sabbath enforcement. However, the political influence of Dissent significantly waned after 1920, coinciding with the broader secularization of British society and the rise of the Labour Party, which absorbed many working-class voters. The Liberal Party's remaining strongholds often relied on an emphasis on localism and historical religious identity in the "Celtic Fringe," thereby mitigating class-based pressures towards the Labour movement.
Prominent Leaders
Leaders in the Lords
- Granville Leveson-Gower, 2nd Earl Granville (1859–1865)
- John Russell, 1st Earl Russell (1865–1868)
- Granville Leveson-Gower, 2nd Earl Granville (1868–1891)
- John Wodehouse, 1st Earl of Kimberley (1891–1894)
- Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery (1894–1896)
- John Wodehouse, 1st Earl of Kimberley (1896–1902)
- John Spencer, 5th Earl Spencer (1902–1905)
- George Robinson, 1st Marquess of Ripon (1905–1908)
- Robert Crewe-Milnes, 1st Marquess of Crewe (1908–1923)
- Edward Grey, 1st Viscount Grey of Fallodon (1923–1924)
- William Lygon, 7th Earl Beauchamp (1924–1931)
- Rufus Isaacs, 1st Marquess of Reading (1931–1936)
- Robert Crewe-Milnes, 1st Marquess of Crewe (1936–1944)
- Herbert Samuel, 1st Viscount Samuel (1944–1955)
- Philip Rea, 2nd Baron Rea (1955–1967)
- Frank Byers (1967–1984)
- Nancy Seear, Baroness Seear (1984–1989)
Leaders in the Commons
- Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston (1859–1865)
- William Ewart Gladstone (1865–1875)
- Spencer Cavendish, 8th Duke of Devonshire (1875–1880)
- William Gladstone (1880–1894)
- Sir William Harcourt (1894–1898)
- Henry Campbell-Bannerman (1899–1908)
- H. H. Asquith (1908–1916)
Party Leaders
- H. H. Asquith, 1st Earl of Oxford and Asquith (1916–1926)
- Donald Maclean, Acting Leader (1919–1920)
- David Lloyd George (1926–1931)
- Sir Herbert Samuel (1931–1935)
- Sir Archibald Sinclair (1935–1945)
- Clement Davies (1945–1956)
- Jo Grimond (1956–1967)
- Jeremy Thorpe (1967–1976)
- Jo Grimond, Interim Leader (1976)
- David Steel (1976–1988)
Deputy Leaders
- Herbert Samuel (1929–1931)
- Archibald Sinclair (1931–1935)
- Post vacant (1935–1940)
- Percy Harris (1940–1945)
- Post vacant (1945–1949)
- Megan Lloyd George (1949–1951)
- Post vacant (1951–1962)
- Donald Wade (1962–1964)
- Post vacant (1964–1976)
- John Pardoe (1976–1979)
- Post vacant (1979–1985)
- Alan Beith (1985–1988)
**Deputy Leaders in the House of Lords:**
- Eric Drummond, 7th Earl of Perth (1946–1951)
- Walter Layton, 1st Baron Layton (1952–1955)
- Post vacant (1955–1965)
- Gladwyn Jebb, 1st Baron Gladwyn (1965–1988)
Election Results
Parliamentary Performance
The following table provides a comprehensive overview of the Liberal Party's performance in United Kingdom general elections from 1865 until its merger in 1988, illustrating shifts in popular vote, parliamentary seats, and governmental status.
Election | Leader | Votes | Seats | Position | Government | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
No. | % | No. | ± | ||||
1865 | Henry John Temple | 508,821 | 59.5 | ▲ 13 | ● 1st | Liberal | |
1868 | William Ewart Gladstone | 1,428,776 | 61.5 | ▲ 18 | ● 1st | Liberal | |
1874 | William Ewart Gladstone | 1,281,159 | 52.0 | ▼ 145 | ▼ 2nd | Conservative | |
1880 | Spencer Cavendish | 1,836,423 | 54.2 | ▲ 110 | ▲ 1st | Liberal | |
1885 | William Ewart Gladstone | 2,199,198 | 47.4 | ▼ 33 | ● 1st | Liberal minority | |
1886 | William Ewart Gladstone | 1,353,581 | 45.5 | ▼ 128 | ▼ 2nd | Conservative–Liberal Unionist | |
1892 | William Ewart Gladstone | 2,088,019 | 45.4 | ▲ 80 | ▲ 1st | Liberal minority | |
1895 | Archibald Primrose | 1,765,266 | 45.7 | ▼ 95 | ▼ 2nd | Conservative–Liberal Unionist | |
1900 | Henry Campbell-Bannerman | 1,572,323 | 44.7 | ▲ 6 | ● 2nd | Conservative–Liberal Unionist | |
1906 | Henry Campbell-Bannerman | 2,565,644 | 48.9 | ▲ 214 | ▲ 1st | Liberal | |
January 1910 | H. H. Asquith | 2,712,511 | 43.5 | ▼ 123 | ● 1st | Liberal minority | |
December 1910 | H. H. Asquith | 2,157,256 | 43.2 | ▼ 2 | ● 1st | Liberal minority | |
1918 | H. H. Asquith | 1,355,398 | 13.0 | ▼ 235 | ▼ 5th | Coalition Liberal–Conservative | |
1922 | H. H. Asquith | 2,601,486 | 18.9 | ▲ 26 | ▲ 3rd | Conservative | |
1923 | H. H. Asquith | 4,129,922 | 29.7 | ▲ 96 | ● 3rd | Labour minority | |
1924 | H. H. Asquith | 2,818,717 | 17.8 | ▼ 118 | ● 3rd | Conservative | |
1929 | David Lloyd George | 5,104,638 | 23.6 | ▲ 19 | ● 3rd | Labour minority | |
1931 | Herbert Samuel | 1,346,571 | 6.5 | ▼ 29 | ▼ 4th | Conservative–Liberal–National Labour | |
1935 | Herbert Samuel | 1,414,010 | 6.7 | ▼ 12 | ● 4th | Conservative–National Liberal–National Labour | |
1945 | Archibald Sinclair | 1,291,297 | 9.0 | ▼ 9 | ● 3rd | Labour | |
1950 | Clement Davies | 2,621,489 | 9.1 | ▼ 3 | ● 3rd | Labour | |
1951 | Clement Davies | 730,811 | 2.5 | ▼ 3 | ● 3rd | Conservative | |
1955 | Clement Davies | 722,402 | 2.7 | ▬ 0 | ● 3rd | Conservative | |
1959 | Jo Grimond | 985,769 | 5.9 | ▬ 0 | ● 3rd | Conservative | |
1964 | Jo Grimond | 3,099,283 | 11.2 | ▲ 3 | ● 3rd | Labour minority | |
1966 | Jo Grimond | 2,327,533 | 8.5 | ▲ 3 | ● 3rd | Labour | |
1970 | Jeremy Thorpe | 2,117,603 | 7.5 | ▼ 6 | ● 3rd | Conservative | |
February 1974 | Jeremy Thorpe | 6,059,519 | 19.3 | ▲ 8 | ● 3rd | Labour minority | |
October 1974 | Jeremy Thorpe | 5,346,704 | 18.3 | ▼ 1 | ● 3rd | Labour | |
1979 | David Steel | 4,313,804 | 13.8 | ▼ 2 | ● 3rd | Conservative | |
1983 | David Steel | 7,780,949 | 25.4 | ▲ 6 | ● 3rd | Conservative | |
1987 | David Steel | 7,341,633 | 22.6 | ▬ 0 | ● 3rd | Conservative |
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References
References
- The first election held under the Reform Act 1867.
- The first election under universal suffrage in which all women aged over 21 could vote.
- Franchise extended to all 18- to 20-year-olds under the Representation of the People Act 1969.
- Michael Fry, "Political Change in Britain, August 1914 to December 1916: Lloyd George Replaces Asquith: The Issues Underlying the Drama". Historical Journal (1988) 31#3: 609â627.
- Keith Laybourn, "The Rise of Labour and the Decline of Liberalism" (1995) p. 207.
- William C. Lubenow, Liberal intellectuals and public culture in modern Britain, 1815â1914: making words flesh (Boydell & Brewer, 2010).
- J. P. Parry, Democracy and Religion: Gladstone and the Liberal Party, 1867â1875 (1989), p. 174.
- H. C. G. Matthew, "Gladstone, William Ewart (1809â1898)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004).
- R. C. K. Ensor, England 1870â1914 (1936), pp. 206â207.
- Peter Fraser, "The Liberal Unionist Alliance: Chamberlain, Hartington, and the Conservatives, 1886â1904." English Historical Review 77#302 (1962): 53â78.
- Kenneth O. Morgan, The Age of Lloyd George: Liberal Party and British Politics, 1890â1929.
- Paul A. Readman, "The 1895 general election and political change in late Victorian Britain." Historical Journal 42.02 (1999): 467â493.
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- Nabil M. Kaylani, "Liberal Politics and British-Foreign-Office 1906-1912-Overview." International Review of History and Political Science 12.3 (1975): 17â48.
- G. I. T. Machin, "Gladstone and Nonconformity in the 1860s: The Formation of an Alliance." Historical Journal 17, no. 2 (1974): 347â64. online.
- Michael Freeden, The New Liberalism: An Ideology of Social Reform (Oxford UP, 1978).
- The Routledge encyclopaedia of philosophy (2016), p. 599 online.
- Kenneth O. Morgan, "7 December 1916: Asquith, Lloyd George and the Crisis of Liberalism." Parliamentary History 36.3 (2017): 361â371.
- Charles Loch Mowat, Britain Between the Wars, 1918â1940 (1955).
- W. H. Greenleaf, The British Political Tradition. Volume II: The Ideological Heritage (London: Methuen, 1983), p. 143.
- Henry Pelling, Social Geography of British Elections, 1885â1910 (London, 1967), 89â90, 206.
- D. W. Bebbington, The Nonconformist Conscience: Chapel and Politics, 1870â1914 (George Allen & Unwin, 1982).
- David L. Wykes, "Introduction: Parliament and Dissent from the Restoration to the Twentieth Century", Parliamentary History (2005) 24#1, pp. 1â26.
- Iain MacAllister et al., "Yellow fever? The political geography of Liberal voting in Great Britain", Political Geography (2002) 21#4, pp. 421â447.
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