During which historical period was the Welsh Not most commonly used?

Evidence suggests the Welsh Not was used from the end of the 18th century to the start of the 20th century, but it was most common in the early- to mid-19th century.

What was the typical physical form of the Welsh Not?

The most common form of the Welsh Not was a piece of wood, often inscribed with the letters 'WN', suspended on a string that was put around a child's neck. However, its form and use could vary by location.

What were some of the alternative terms used historically for the Welsh Not?

Historically, the token was also referred to by terms such as Welsh note, Welsh lump, Welsh stick, Welsh lead, cwstom (a Welsh-language term), Welsh Mark, and Welsh Ticket.

How did the mechanism of the Welsh Not typically work in schools?

The Welsh Not was usually given to the first child heard speaking Welsh at the start of a prescribed period, such as a lesson, school day, or week. It would then be successively passed on to the next child caught speaking Welsh. At the end of the period, the child holding the token, or all children who had held it, might be punished.

What kinds of punishments were associated with the Welsh Not?

The punishments varied, but could include detention, writing out lines, or corporal punishment, which was a common disciplinary method in British schools during that era.

What was the general public's attitude towards children learning English in 19th-century Wales?

There was a widespread desire among Welsh people and parents for children to learn English in the 19th century, as it was seen as a pathway to economic advancement and social mobility.

Was the Welsh Not a formal government policy?

No, the Welsh Not was not part of any government policy. It was primarily a practice introduced by individual teachers, mostly on their own initiative, although some local committees and School Boards did instruct teachers to avoid using Welsh.

According to historian Martin Johnes, what was the perceived instructional value of the Welsh Not?

Martin Johnes commented that the Welsh Not was viewed as a 'mode of instruction,' intended to force children to practice English. He also noted that similar approaches to language teaching were used in other parts of Western Europe.

Beyond language instruction, what other functions did the Welsh Not serve in school management?

The method also encouraged children to participate in enforcing discipline by listening for peers speaking Welsh. Additionally, it was a way to keep solely Welsh-speaking children quiet, as enforcing silence was considered important for managing a school.

How did Welsh parents generally view the use of the Welsh Not?

Parents were generally supportive of physical punishment in schools during that period and appear to have been accepting of the Welsh Not as a means to encourage English language acquisition.

What is the earliest evidence of practices resembling the Welsh Not?

The first evidence of practices resembling the Welsh Not dates from around the 1790s, with Rev Richard Warner describing schools in Flintshire where children were 'degraded with the Welsh lump' for speaking Welsh.

In which areas of Wales was the Welsh Not less common during the first half of the 19th century?

The Welsh Not was less common in Monmouthshire and Glamorgan, where English was already more established, compared to other parts of Wales where it was probably widespread.

How did the nature of punishments for speaking Welsh change after 1850?

After 1850, accounts of children being beaten for speaking Welsh became less common. The penalty was increasingly likely to be non-physical, such as additional schoolwork, where the Welsh Not was still in use.

What was the latest point in time for which there is anecdotal evidence of the Welsh Not's use?

A few people who grew up at the beginning of the 20th century recalled seeing or knowing of the Welsh Not being used when they were children, though there is no written evidence of the practice after 1900.

When was corporal punishment in schools mostly outlawed in the United Kingdom?

Corporal punishment was legal in all schools in the United Kingdom until it was mostly outlawed in 1986, having been in widespread use throughout the 1800s and early 1900s.

How did the Laws in Wales Acts of 1535 and 1542 affect the official language of administration and law in Wales?

These Acts, under Henry VIII, stipulated that English law and norms of administration were to be used, and public officials and law courts had to use English. However, English had already replaced French as the language of administration and law in Wales by the late 14th century, so the practical difference was likely minimal.

What was the long-term implication of English being the language of law courts for Welsh speakers?

The use of English in law courts caused significant inconvenience for those who could not speak English and led to the realization that proficiency in English would be a key skill for advancement in a society dominated by England.

According to Martin Johnes, what was the unexpected outcome for the Welsh language following the Laws in Wales Acts?

Johnes wrote that because the Acts granted Welsh people equality with the English in law, the Welsh language actually regained ground in Welsh towns and rural anglicized areas, thus remaining 'the language of the land and the people'.

Why did the state support the Welsh language during the religious turmoil of the Tudor period?

The religious turmoil of the time persuaded the state to support, rather than try to extinguish, the Welsh language, as seen with the publication of the first Welsh-language book and the order for a Welsh New Testament translation.

What was the significance of the 1567 Crown order regarding the Welsh language?

The 1567 order by the Crown mandated that a Welsh translation of the New Testament be used in every parish church in Wales, which ensured that Welsh would remain the language of religion and helped preserve it.

Which social classes in Wales were particularly keen for the general population to learn English in the 19th century, and why?

The upper and middle classes in Wales, who generally spoke English, were eager for the masses to learn the language. They believed it would contribute to Wales's economic development and make it easier to manage tenants or employees.

What was the 'Reports of the Commissioners of Inquiry into the State of Education in Wales' commonly known as, and why did it cause uproar?

The three-part report from 1847 was often referred to as the 'Treason of the Blue Books' in Wales. It caused uproar because many perceived it as disparaging the Welsh people, particularly criticizing nonconformity, the Welsh language, and Welsh morality.

How did the 'Treason of the Blue Books' evaluate the practice of excluding Welsh in schools?

The report was critical of schools that attempted to exclude Welsh, deeming it an ineffective way of teaching English, and described the Welsh Not negatively.

How did adults who experienced the Welsh Not as children recall it?

Adults who had experienced the Welsh Not as children recalled it with a range of emotions, including anger, indifference, and even humor.

How did writers in the late 19th and early 20th centuries interpret the Welsh Not?

Some writers in this period viewed the Welsh Not as an imposition by England or the British government aimed at destroying the Welsh language, while others saw it as a consequence of Welsh people's own desire to learn English.

Which famous novel includes a notable description of the Welsh Not?

The best-selling novel 'How Green Was My Valley' (1939) by Richard Llewellyn includes an emotive description of the practice, which historian Martin Johnes considers one of the most influential depictions.

What is a common misconception about the Welsh Not in contemporary discussions?

The Welsh Not is sometimes incorrectly portrayed as a policy introduced by the British government, despite historical evidence indicating it was not a formal government policy.

How does the 'Encyclopaedia of Wales' summarize the differing perspectives on the Welsh Not?

The 'Encyclopaedia of Wales' notes that 'Welsh patriots view the Welsh Not(e) as an instrument of cultural genocide,' but also states that 'it was welcomed by some parents as a way of ensuring that their children made daily use of English'.

What changes in government policy regarding the Welsh language in education occurred between 1889 and 1893?

Between 1889 and 1893, government policy shifted to encourage teachers in Welsh-speaking areas to teach English through Welsh, and schools could also receive financial benefits for teaching Welsh as a subject.

What was the role of the Welsh Department in the Board of Education after its creation in 1907?

After its creation in 1907, the Welsh Department in the Board of Education encouraged the use of Welsh in lessons, although this was often met with resistance from teachers and parents in Welsh-speaking areas who prioritized children learning English.

What argument did David T. C. Davies make in 2012 regarding the British government's responsibility for the Welsh Not?

David T. C. Davies stated in 2012 that the British government was not responsible for suppressing the Welsh language in the 19th century, arguing that the practice predated government involvement in education (which began with the Education Act 1870) and that Welsh teachers imposed it with parental agreement.

When was the first academic study of the Welsh Not completed, and by whom?

The first academic study of the Welsh Not was completed by Martin Johnes in 2024.

What did Martin Johnes conclude about the British government's intentions regarding the Welsh language and the Welsh Not?

Johnes found that while some government officials desired the Welsh language to cease, the government never introduced policies to that effect. He also noted that the government believed some use of Welsh was necessary in schools for effective English teaching and had limited influence over the school system in the 19th century, not prohibiting Welsh use.

Did Martin Johnes attribute the decline of the Welsh language primarily to the Welsh Not?

No, Johnes argued there is little evidence to suggest the Welsh Not was a primary cause of the decline of Welsh. He noted that most children did not attend day school when the practice was most common, and schools that completely excluded Welsh were often ineffective at teaching English.

What did Martin Johnes identify as the true cause of the Welsh language's decline?

Johnes concluded that the Welsh Not was not a primary cause of linguistic change but rather a result of pedagogical misunderstandings and people's desire for English. He stated that the political, economic, and cultural power of English was the direct cause of the decline of Welsh, rather than it being 'beaten out of anyone'.

What recent cultural interaction highlights similarities between the Welsh Not and other language suppression efforts?

In 2024, the 1923 Welsh Women's Peace message was translated into the Okinawan language, drawing parallels between the Okinawan dialect cards and the Welsh Not, and Japanese musicians created a short film inspired by these similarities.

What other historical punitive devices are mentioned as being similar to the Welsh Not?

The article mentions 'Dialect cards' (Hōgenfuda), used to promote standard speech in Japanese schools, and 'Symbole,' a similar object used in French schools to punish students for speaking regional dialects.

Where can one find a physical example of a Welsh Not on display?

A Welsh Not from 1852 is on display at St Fagans National Museum of History, and a recreation of an old school classroom at the West Wales Museum of Childhood also features a Welsh Not.

What was the primary function of day schools in Wales during the 19th century?

During the 19th century, the primary function of day schools in Wales was the teaching of English, reflecting a broader societal push for English proficiency.

What teaching approach did some schools use to enforce English, leading to the Welsh Not?

Some schools practiced what is now known as total immersion language teaching, banning the use of Welsh in the school and playground to compel children to use and become proficient in English, and punished those caught speaking Welsh with the Welsh Not.

What was the general sentiment of the Welsh public and parents regarding the teaching of English in schools?

The teaching of English in Welsh schools was generally supported by the Welsh public and parents, who perceived it as the language of economic advancement and a route to social mobility.

In the late 19th century, what types of non-physical punishments replaced beatings for speaking Welsh?

In the late 19th century, punishments for speaking Welsh became increasingly non-physical and less embarrassing for children, often involving additional schoolwork.

What was the 'Yny lhyvyr hwnn' and why was it significant?

'Yny lhyvyr hwnn' ('In This Book') was the first Welsh-language book, published in 1546 by John Prys of Brecon. It contained prayers and was significant because its disapproval by the Pope endeared it to the Crown, marking an early instance of state support for the Welsh language.

How did the Tudor government's attitude towards the Welsh language compare to other minority languages within its influence?

The Tudor government, partly due to its Welsh origins, showed more sympathy for the Welsh language compared to its approach to Irish in Ireland, French in Calais, or the Scottish government's stance on Gaelic in the Highlands, actively promoting Welsh for worship.

What was the main criticism of the 1847 'Blue Books' report in Wales?

The main criticism and cause of uproar in Wales was the report's disparaging view of Welsh nonconformity, the Welsh language, and Welsh morality, leading to its infamous title, 'Treason of the Blue Books'.

How did government investigations in the mid-19th century influence teaching methods regarding Welsh?

Government investigations in the mid-19th century indicated that completely excluding Welsh was not an effective way of teaching English, leading some teachers to informally use Welsh to help facilitate English instruction.

What type of literary work by Myrddin ap Dafydd addresses the Welsh Not?

Myrddin ap Dafydd published a book in 2019 titled 'Under the Welsh Not', which is listed in the literature section of the article.

Welsh Not Wiki: Echoes of Silence: The Welsh Not and Linguistic Suppression

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Overview

Defining the Welsh Not

The Welsh Not was a punitive token employed by teachers in certain schools across Wales, primarily during the 19th century. Its fundamental purpose was to discourage children from speaking the Welsh language while at school, identifying those who did so for potential further punishment. This practice, documented from the late 18th to the early 20th century, was most prevalent in the early to mid-19th century.

Forms and Application

While its exact form and application varied regionally, the most common manifestation of the Welsh Not was a piece of wood, often inscribed with the letters 'WN', suspended on a string and worn around a child's neck. It was typically given to the first child heard speaking Welsh during a designated period (e.g., a lesson, day, or week) and then passed sequentially to subsequent offenders. At the end of the period, the child holding the token, or all who had held it, faced punishment, which could range from detention and writing lines to corporal punishment.

Pedagogical Intent and Context

Initially, the token was conceived as a teaching aid, a method to compel children to practice and acquire proficiency in English. Over time, however, the exclusion of Welsh was increasingly recognized as an ineffective pedagogical approach. By the close of the 19th century, schools began to be encouraged to integrate some Welsh into lessons. It is crucial to note that the Welsh Not was not a governmental policy but rather a practice initiated by individual teachers. Furthermore, there was a widespread desire among Welsh parents in the 19th century for their children to learn English, viewing it as a pathway to economic advancement.

History

Genesis and Early Application

The origins of practices akin to the Welsh Not may be traced back to early modern grammar schools, where the objective was to teach Latin. The earliest documented evidence of such a practice dates to the 1790s, with accounts from figures like Reverend Richard Warner describing schools in Flintshire employing a "Welsh lump" to enforce English conversation. The use of the Welsh Not was most frequently reported during the early to mid-19th century, believed to be widespread, though less common in areas like Monmouthshire and Glamorgan where English was already more established.

Evolution and Decline

Following 1850, reports of physical punishment for speaking Welsh became less frequent, with non-physical penalties becoming more common where the Welsh Not was still in use. Efforts to prohibit Welsh speaking in schools gradually diminished in the late 19th century, with punishments becoming less embarrassing for children. Concurrently, moderate government support for the use and teaching of Welsh in schools began to emerge between 1889 and 1893. While some individuals who grew up in the early 20th century recalled the Welsh Not, no written evidence of its use exists after 1900.

Late 18th Century: First documented instances of practices resembling the Welsh Not.
Early-Mid 19th Century: Peak prevalence of the Welsh Not across Wales, though less so in anglicized regions.
Post-1850: Shift towards less physical and less embarrassing punishments associated with the Welsh Not.
Late 19th Century: Gradual decline in the prohibition of Welsh in schools; informal use of Welsh in lessons to aid English teaching becomes more common.
1889-1893: Government policy changes encourage teaching English through Welsh and offer financial benefits for teaching Welsh as a subject.
1907: The Welsh Department in the Board of Education actively encourages the use of Welsh in lessons.
Post-1900: No written evidence of the Welsh Not's continued use, though some oral recollections persist from early 20th-century individuals.

Context

Legal and Educational Frameworks

The use of corporal punishment was legally permissible in all schools across the United Kingdom until its widespread outlawing in 1986, with practices like flogging and caning common throughout the 1800s and early 1900s. Historically, the Laws in Wales Acts of 1535 and 1542 mandated English for public officials and in law courts, a measure that, while not immediately transformative, underscored the growing importance of English for societal advancement. Despite these acts, the Welsh language demonstrated resilience, even regaining ground in some areas and remaining the language of religion due to state support for Welsh Bible translations.

Societal Aspirations for English

During the 19th century, there was a significant desire among Welsh speakers for their children to learn English. This was largely driven by the perception that English proficiency was a crucial route to social mobility, offered greater convenience, and served as a status symbol. Contemporary accounts frequently highlight parents' eagerness for schools to be conducted in English. The Welsh upper and middle classes, predominantly English-speaking, also advocated for the widespread adoption of English, believing it would foster economic development and simplify the management of tenants and employees.

The "Blue Books" Inquiry (1847)

The "Reports of the Commissioners of Inquiry into the State of Education in Wales," published in 1847 and infamously known as the "Treason of the Blue Books," critically examined the Welsh educational system. The report, while disparaging Welsh nonconformity, language, and morality, also critiqued the practice of excluding Welsh from schools, deeming it an ineffective method for teaching English. It described the Welsh Not negatively. Despite the public outcry primarily directed at its comments on Welsh morality, the inquiry did not result in any direct governmental action regarding language policy.

"Among other injurious effects, this custom has been found to lead children to visit stealthily the houses of their school-fellows for the purpose of detecting those who speak Welsh to their parents, and transferring to them the punishment due to themselves."

Inquiry into the State of Education in Wales, 1847.

Impact

Personal Recollections

Adults who experienced the Welsh Not during their childhood recounted their memories with a spectrum of emotions, ranging from profound anger and resentment to indifference, and even, in some instances, a degree of humor. These varied personal narratives underscore the complex psychological and social effects of the practice on individuals and communities.

Interpretations and Narratives

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, published accounts of the Welsh Not emerged, often portraying it as a tool of cultural destruction imposed by England or the British government. Conversely, other interpretations viewed it as a consequence of the Welsh populace's own desire for English proficiency. Richard Llewellyn's best-selling 1939 novel, *How Green Was My Valley*, offered a particularly emotive and influential depiction of the practice, solidifying its place in the collective consciousness.

Modern Discourse & Academic Insight

The Welsh Not continues to hold a prominent place in Welsh collective memory and is frequently discussed in media, often with an emphasis on its perceived cruelty. It is sometimes erroneously attributed as a direct policy of the British government. However, recent academic scholarship, such as Martin Johnes' 2024 study, suggests that the Welsh Not was not a primary driver of linguistic decline. Instead, it was largely a symptom of pedagogical misunderstandings and a societal desire for English, rooted in Wales's subordinate position within the United Kingdom. Johnes argues that the political, economic, and cultural power of English, rather than direct punitive measures, was the principal cause of the Welsh language's decline.

Legacy

Enduring Cultural Memory

The Welsh Not remains a potent symbol in Welsh collective memory, frequently invoked in discussions about language, identity, and historical injustices. Its narrative has been integrated into educational materials and often linked to contemporary political debates concerning the status and promotion of the Welsh language. While some Welsh patriots view it as an instrument of cultural genocide, others acknowledge that some parents welcomed it as a means to ensure their children's daily use of English.

Global Parallels

The historical experience of the Welsh Not has found resonance in other cultures facing similar linguistic pressures. In 2024, the 1923 Welsh Women's Peace message was translated into the Okinawan language, drawing parallels between the Welsh Not and Okinawan "dialect cards" used to promote standard Japanese. Japanese musicians have also created a short film inspired by these shared histories of linguistic suppression, highlighting a global recognition of this unique Welsh experience.

Literary Footprints

Beyond historical accounts, the Welsh Not has left an indelible mark on Welsh literature. Notable works include Myrddin ap Dafydd's 2019 novel, *Under the Welsh Not*, which explores the experiences surrounding this practice. Additionally, Owen Morgan Edwards, a prominent Welsh literary figure, described his personal encounters with the Welsh Not in his book *Clych Atgof*, further cementing its place in the cultural narrative of Wales.

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References

Dimensions: length 58 mm (2.3 in); width 20 mm (0.79 in); depth 12 mm (0.47 in)[1]

A full list of references for this article are available at the Welsh Not Wikipedia page

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Important Notice

This page was generated by an Artificial Intelligence and is intended for informational and educational purposes only. The content is based on a snapshot of publicly available data from Wikipedia and may not be entirely accurate, complete, or up-to-date.

This is not historical or linguistic professional advice. The information provided on this website is not a substitute for consulting primary historical sources, academic research, or expert opinions in the fields of Welsh history, linguistics, or education. Always refer to scholarly publications and consult with qualified historians or linguists for specific research or understanding. Never disregard professional academic advice because of something you have read on this website.

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Echoes of Silence: The Welsh Not and Linguistic Suppression

💡 Dive in with Flashcard Learning! 💡

Overview ℹ️

📦 Defining the Welsh Not

⚙️ Forms and Application

📚 Pedagogical Intent and Context

History ⏳

📜 Genesis and Early Application

📉 Evolution and Decline

Context 🏛️

⚖️ Legal and Educational Frameworks

🗣️ Societal Aspirations for English

📖 The "Blue Books" Inquiry (1847)

Impact 💔

😢 Personal Recollections

🎭 Interpretations and Narratives

🔬 Modern Discourse & Academic Insight

Legacy ✨

🌍 Enduring Cultural Memory

🤝 Global Parallels

📚 Literary Footprints

Teacher's Corner 🧑‍🏫

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References

📜 References

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Disclaimer ⚠️

📜 Important Notice

Dive in with Flashcard Learning!

Overview

Defining the Welsh Not

Forms and Application

Pedagogical Intent and Context

History

Genesis and Early Application

Evolution and Decline

Context

Legal and Educational Frameworks

Societal Aspirations for English

The "Blue Books" Inquiry (1847)

Impact

Personal Recollections

Interpretations and Narratives

Modern Discourse & Academic Insight

Legacy

Enduring Cultural Memory

Global Parallels

Literary Footprints

Teacher's Corner

True or False?

Test Your Knowledge!

Gamer's Corner

Discover other topics to study!

References

Feedback & Support

Disclaimer

Important Notice