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The notion of a distinct 'tribute system' as a framework for analyzing foreign relations is a concept that originated from within ancient Chinese political philosophy.
Answer: False
The assertion that the term 'tribute system' originated within ancient Chinese political philosophy is inaccurate. Historical analysis indicates that this specific terminology and conceptualization is a Western construct, developed to categorize the complex network of relationships centered around China, rather than an indigenous Chinese term for such a system.
The seminal theory of the 'tribute system' as a framework for understanding China's foreign relations is widely attributed to the scholarly work of John King Fairbank and Teng Ssu-yu, particularly during the mid-20th century.
Answer: True
The scholarly framework known as the 'tribute system' was primarily articulated by John King Fairbank and Teng Ssu-yu, commencing in the early 1940s. They posited it as 'a set of ideas and practices developed and perpetuated by the rulers of China over many centuries.' This influential concept was further disseminated through Fairbank's edited volume, 'The Chinese World Order,' published in 1968.
Historian Peter C. Perdue contended that the Chinese term *gong* exclusively denoted formal tribute rituals within the context of foreign relations.
Answer: False
Historian Peter C. Perdue critiques the conceptualization of the 'tribute system' by asserting that the Chinese term *gong* possessed a broader semantic range than solely formal tribute rituals in foreign relations. Perdue argues that Fairbank's model overly formalized a flexible practice and overlooked the diverse meanings and applications of *gong* across various relationships, including those within the Qing dynasty.
The concept 'Emperor at home, king abroad' suggests a state maintained an imperial title domestically while acknowledging a subordinate status internationally.
Answer: True
The concept of 'Emperor at home, king abroad' describes a strategic approach where a state asserted an imperial title within its own borders while simultaneously adopting a subordinate international status, such as that of a king, in its foreign relations with a dominant power like China.
What was the primary function of China's tributary system, also known as the Cefeng system?
Answer: To facilitate trade and foreign relations within a Sinocentric world order, acknowledging China's hegemonic role.
The tributary system of China, also known as the Cefeng system, constituted a complex network of asymmetrical international relations historically centered on China. Its principal function was to regulate diplomatic and commercial interactions by formally acknowledging China's preeminent position within a Sinocentric worldview.
How did scholars like Odd Arne Westad view the nature of China's traditional relations with its neighbors, differing from the comprehensive 'tribute system' model?
Answer: They proposed that China's relations were characterized by a variety of distinct relationships rather than one overarching system.
Scholars such as Odd Arne Westad propose that China's traditional relations with its neighbors were characterized by a variety of distinct interactions rather than a singular, overarching 'tribute system.' This perspective challenges the comprehensive model by emphasizing the diversity of regional relationships and the nuanced nature of Sinocentric influence.
According to the source, who developed the theory of the 'tribute system' and when?
Answer: John King Fairbank and Teng Ssu-yu in the early 1940s.
The scholarly framework known as the 'tribute system' was primarily articulated by John King Fairbank and Teng Ssu-yu, commencing in the early 1940s. They posited it as 'a set of ideas and practices developed and perpetuated by the rulers of China over many centuries.'
What was the underlying model for John King Fairbank's theory of the tribute system?
Answer: An extension of the hierarchic and non-egalitarian Confucian social order.
John King Fairbank's theory of the tribute system was conceptually modeled on the hierarchical and non-egalitarian principles inherent in the Confucian social order. This framework posited that China's interactions with neighboring states mirrored the domestic social structures and ethical values emphasized in Confucianism.
Historian Peter C. Perdue critiqued Fairbank's concept of the tribute system by arguing:
Answer: That Fairbank's concept overly formalized a flexible practice and ignored the diverse meanings of *gong*.
Historian Peter C. Perdue critiques the conceptualization of the 'tribute system' by asserting that the Chinese term *gong* possessed a broader semantic range than solely formal tribute rituals in foreign relations. Perdue argues that Fairbank's model overly formalized a flexible practice and overlooked the diverse meanings and applications of *gong* across various relationships.
Political actors within China's traditional tributary system were generally granted significant autonomy and were not subject to direct political control by China.
Answer: True
Political actors within the tributary system generally maintained substantial autonomy. Their participation was characterized by formal acknowledgment and ritualistic engagement rather than direct political or administrative oversight by the Chinese imperial authority.
Investiture within the tributary system involved China formally acknowledging a subordinate ruler's legitimacy by bestowing official symbols of power.
Answer: True
Within the framework of the tributary system, investiture entailed the formal acknowledgment by China of a subordinate ruler's legitimacy, typically accompanied by the bestowal of official symbols of authority, such as a crown or seal.
Tributary states could generally expect military assistance from China if they were invaded.
Answer: False
Tributary states typically could not expect direct military assistance from China in the event of invasion. Chinese influence was generally non-interventionist, and the system prioritized diplomatic and ritualistic acknowledgment over military guarantees.
Tribute typically involved foreign courts sending envoys and products to China, receiving gifts and trade permits in return.
Answer: True
The exchange within the tributary system typically involved foreign courts dispatching envoys and valuable products to the Chinese emperor. In reciprocal fashion, the emperor would bestow gifts upon the envoys and grant them privileges, such as trade permits, allowing commerce within China.
Presenting tribute to China always entailed actual political subordination and loss of sovereignty for the participating states.
Answer: False
The act of presenting tribute primarily signified symbolic obeisance and theatrical subordination, rather than an actual transfer of political power or a definitive loss of sovereignty for the participating states. The political sacrifice was largely symbolic.
States sending tribute were required to completely mimic Chinese governmental institutions and administrative structures.
Answer: False
States participating in the tributary system were not mandated to replicate Chinese governmental institutions or administrative structures. For instance, Inner Asian groups often maintained their distinct practices while strategically engaging with Chinese tribute protocols for their own benefit.
The primary purpose of the rituals in the Chinese tributary system was to enforce direct Chinese governance over tributary states.
Answer: False
The rituals central to the Chinese tributary system served primarily to regulate diplomatic relations and formalize the hierarchical relationship between China and its tributary states, rather than to enforce direct governance.
The main rituals of the tributary system included envoys kowtowing, presenting tribute, receiving gifts, and the investiture of rulers.
Answer: True
The principal rituals of the tributary system generally encompassed the dispatch of missions by tributary states, the performance of the kowtow by envoys before the Chinese emperor, the presentation of tribute and receipt of imperial gifts, and the formal investiture of the tributary ruler.
Which of the following was a required obligation for states participating in China's tributary system?
Answer: Sending tributary envoys to perform rituals, such as kowtowing to the Chinese emperor.
Participation in the tributary system entailed specific obligations for subordinate states, most notably the regular dispatch of diplomatic missions to the Chinese court. These missions involved ceremonial acts, including the performance of the kowtow, signifying deference to the Chinese emperor's superior status.
What did investiture entail within the Chinese tributary system?
Answer: A formal acknowledgment by China of a subordinate ruler's legitimacy, often involving symbols of power.
Investiture constituted a formal process wherein China officially recognized the legitimacy of a subordinate ruler. This typically involved the presentation of imperial insignia, such as a crown or seal, thereby confirming the ruler's authority and status.
What was the typical nature of Chinese influence over tributary states, according to the source?
Answer: Non-interventionist, with limited expectation of military assistance.
Tributary states typically could not expect direct military assistance from China in the event of invasion. Chinese influence was generally non-interventionist, and the system prioritized diplomatic and ritualistic acknowledgment over military guarantees.
What did the exchange typically involve in the Chinese tributary system?
Answer: Foreign courts sending envoys and products, receiving gifts and trade permits in return.
The exchange within the tributary system typically involved foreign courts dispatching envoys and valuable products to the Chinese emperor. In reciprocal fashion, the emperor would bestow gifts upon the envoys and grant them privileges, such as trade permits, allowing commerce within China.
The political significance of presenting tribute primarily involved:
Answer: Symbolic obeisance and theatrical subordination, not actual political subordination.
The act of presenting tribute primarily signified symbolic obeisance and theatrical subordination, rather than an actual transfer of political power or a definitive loss of sovereignty for the participating states. The political sacrifice was largely symbolic.
What was the main purpose of the rituals required by the Chinese tributary system?
Answer: To regulate diplomatic relations and formalize the hierarchical relationship with China.
The rituals central to the Chinese tributary system served primarily to regulate diplomatic relations and formalize the hierarchical relationship between China and its tributary states, rather than to enforce direct governance.
Which of the following was NOT typically listed as a main ritual in the Chinese tributary system?
Answer: The mandatory adoption of Chinese imperial titles by tributary rulers.
The principal rituals of the tributary system generally encompassed the dispatch of missions by tributary states, the performance of the kowtow by envoys before the Chinese emperor, the presentation of tribute and receipt of the emperor's gifts, and the formal investiture of the tributary ruler. The mandatory adoption of Chinese imperial titles by tributary rulers was not a typical component.
Neighboring states joined the tributary system primarily to gain direct military intervention rights from China.
Answer: False
Neighboring states participated in the tributary system for several strategic reasons, including the maintenance of peace, the acquisition of investiture from China, and access to lucrative trading opportunities. Direct military intervention rights were not the primary or guaranteed benefit.
Tribute states often sent numerous missions because the return gifts and trade permits from China were frequently more valuable than the tribute itself.
Answer: True
The frequency of tribute missions was often driven by economic incentives. The return gifts bestowed by the Chinese emperor and the trade permits granted were frequently of greater material value than the tribute offered by the participating states, making the exchange highly profitable.
Besides securing peace and investiture, what was another key motivation for states participating in the tributary system?
Answer: Gaining access to trading opportunities with China.
Neighboring states participated in the tributary system for several strategic reasons, including the maintenance of peace, the acquisition of investiture from China, and access to lucrative trading opportunities. These motivations were often framed within the broader context of a Sinocentric world order.
What strategy might be employed in politically sensitive situations regarding investiture and tribute?
Answer: Setting up a false king to receive investiture and engage in tribute trade.
In politically sensitive circumstances concerning investiture and tribute, states might resort to stratagems such as presenting a proxy ruler to receive investiture, thereby facilitating engagement in tribute trade without compromising the legitimacy or standing of their actual leadership.
Why did tribute states often send numerous tribute missions?
Answer: Because the return gifts and trade permits were often more valuable than the tribute sent.
The frequency of tribute missions was often driven by economic incentives. The return gifts bestowed by the Chinese emperor and the trade permits granted were frequently of greater material value than the tribute offered by the participating states, making the exchange highly profitable.
The tributary system became significantly more formalized in practice during the Yuan dynasty.
Answer: False
The tributary system experienced a notable formalization in its practices primarily during the early Ming dynasty, rather than the Yuan dynasty. While precursor practices existed, the Ming period saw a more structured and institutionalized approach to these diplomatic and ritualistic exchanges.
The Hongwu Emperor restricted tribute missions from Joseon and other countries to one mission every three years to manage trade flow.
Answer: True
In 1372, the Hongwu Emperor instituted regulations to manage the flow of tribute and trade by limiting tribute missions from Joseon Korea and six other states to one occurrence every three years.
After 1435, the Ming dynasty increased the size and frequency of foreign delegations and provided more transport assistance.
Answer: False
Following 1435, the Ming dynasty implemented a policy to discourage foreign delegations. This involved reducing the size of delegations, ceasing transport assistance, and decreasing the overall frequency of tributary missions.
The Yuan dynasty, unlike the Ming, often provided return gifts that were less valuable than the tribute received from states like Goryeo.
Answer: True
The Yuan dynasty's practice of returning gifts was notably less generous than that of the Ming. Gifts conferred by the Yuan were typically worth only a fraction of the tribute provided by states such as Goryeo, contrasting with the Ming's more substantial reciprocal exchanges.
During which dynasty did the tribute system become notably more formalized in practice?
Answer: Ming Dynasty
The tributary system experienced a notable formalization in its practices primarily during the early Ming dynasty, rather than the Yuan dynasty. While precursor practices existed, the Ming period saw a more structured and institutionalized approach to these diplomatic and ritualistic exchanges.
The Hongwu Emperor regulated tribute missions by restricting them to one mission every three years for certain countries starting in 1372. Which country is specifically mentioned as being subject to this regulation?
Answer: Joseon Korea
In 1372, the Hongwu Emperor instituted regulations to manage the flow of tribute and trade by limiting tribute missions from Joseon Korea and six other states to one occurrence every three years.
What change did the Ming dynasty implement regarding foreign delegations after 1435?
Answer: Stopped transport assistance, reduced delegation size, and decreased mission frequency.
Following 1435, the Ming dynasty implemented a policy to discourage foreign delegations. This involved reducing the size of delegations, ceasing transport assistance, and decreasing the overall frequency of tributary missions.
How did the Yuan dynasty's practice of gift-giving differ from the Ming dynasty's?
Answer: Yuan gifts were worth only a fraction of the tribute provided, unlike the Ming.
The Yuan dynasty's practice of returning gifts was notably less generous than that of the Ming. Gifts conferred by the Yuan were typically worth only a fraction of the tribute provided by states such as Goryeo, contrasting with the Ming's more substantial reciprocal exchanges.
The painting 'Portraits of Periodical Offering of Liang' depicts envoys from regions such as Persia, Japan, and present-day Malaysia engaging in tributary practices.
Answer: True
The painting 'Portraits of Periodical Offering of Liang,' a Song Dynasty copy of a 6th-century artwork, illustrates tributary envoys from diverse polities including the Hephthalites, Persia, Baekje (Korea), Qiuci, Wo (Japan), and Langkasuka (in present-day Malaysia), among others, thereby demonstrating the extensive reach of China's tributary interactions.
Joseon Korea's rulers sought to legitimize their rule by referencing the symbolic authority of China within the tributary system.
Answer: True
The rulers of Joseon Korea strategically leveraged their participation in the tributary system to enhance their own domestic legitimacy. By referencing and receiving acknowledgment from China's symbolic imperial authority, they reinforced their position and governance.
Japanese leaders actively pursued close identification with Chinese imperial authority as a means to bolster their domestic legitimacy, mirroring the strategies employed by Joseon Korea.
Answer: False
Unlike Joseon Korea, Japanese leaders often perceived that a close association with Chinese imperial authority could potentially undermine their own domestic legitimacy. This suggests a more complex and sometimes cautious approach to acknowledging Chinese hegemony compared to other tributary states.
The Ryukyu Kingdom sent tribute missions less frequently than most other states, averaging one mission every five years.
Answer: False
The Ryukyu Kingdom was notably active in dispatching tribute missions to the Ming dynasty, sending 57 missions between 1372 and 1398, averaging approximately two per year, which was significantly more frequent than the regulated triennial missions for many other states.
Cultural affinity towards Chinese civilization was a significant factor motivating some regions, like Vietnam, to participate in the tributary system.
Answer: True
Beyond pragmatic considerations, cultural affinity played a significant role in motivating participation in the tributary system for certain elites. For example, in Vietnam, a genuine appreciation for Chinese culture and political norms fostered a sense of belonging to a shared Sinic civilization.
Joseon Korea immediately accepted the Manchu-led Qing dynasty as its superior after 1636, abandoning all previous ties to the Ming.
Answer: False
Despite formally becoming a tributary to the Qing dynasty in 1636, Joseon Korea maintained a complex relationship, initially continuing to support the Ming and viewing the Manchus as 'barbarians,' even employing the Ming calendar and era names in defiance of Qing authority.
Vietnamese elites generally held negative views towards Chinese culture and political norms.
Answer: False
Vietnamese elites generally exhibited a favorable disposition towards Chinese culture and political norms. They often expressed pride in being part of the Sinic civilization, valuing Chinese texts and historical literacy, and integrating Chinese cultural elements into their own society.
Japan directly engaged in tributary relations with Qing China throughout the period.
Answer: False
Japan maintained a circumspect approach to direct tributary relations with Qing China. Instead of formal embassies, Japan often manipulated the embassies of neighboring states, such as Joseon and Ryukyu, to create an indirect impression of tributary engagement.
Silla's tribute to the Tang dynasty included items like gold, silver, and women, although some women were rejected.
Answer: True
Historical records indicate that Silla's tribute to the Tang dynasty comprised items such as gold, silver, and women, with the latter subject to rejection by the Tang court. The practice of Silla using its own reign title was also noted as confusing and eventually corrected.
Goryeo rulers considered themselves subordinate rulers within a Chinese-centered world order.
Answer: False
Goryeo rulers perceived themselves as sovereign 'Great Kings' presiding over a Goryeo-centered world in Northeast Asia, maintaining their own imperial style, governmental institutions, and administrative divisions.
In 1385, Goryeo paid a substantial tribute of horses, gold, silver, and cotton fabric to the Ming dynasty to maintain neutrality.
Answer: True
To preserve neutrality during a period of conflict between the Northern Yuan and the Red Turban Rebellion, Goryeo dispatched a significant tribute to the Ming dynasty in 1385, comprising five thousand horses, five hundred jin of gold, fifty thousand jin of silver, and fifty thousand bolts of cotton fabric.
Early Japanese rulers styled themselves 'Great Kings' (*Ōkimi*) internally, while referring to themselves as 'King of Wa' (*Wokuo*) in relation to China.
Answer: True
Early Japanese rulers adopted internal titles such as '*Ōkimi*' ('Great King') and later '*Tennō*' ('Heavenly King'), signifying parity with the Chinese emperor. In their diplomatic communications with China, they commonly used the designation '*Wokuo*' ('King of Wa').
The primary goal of Japanese missions to China between 607 and 839 was military alliance formation.
Answer: False
The principal objective of Japanese expeditions to China between 607 and 839 AD was the acquisition of knowledge, encompassing studies in Buddhism, governance, medicine, and painting, rather than the formation of military alliances. These voyages were also perilous, with a significant mortality rate.
Japan, under the Ashikaga shogunate, became a tributary of Ming China again in 1401.
Answer: True
In 1401, Japan, under the administration of the Ashikaga shogunate, re-established tributary relations with the Ming dynasty of China.
Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu accepted the title 'Emperor of Japan' from the Ming dynasty in 1404.
Answer: False
In 1404, Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu accepted the title 'King of Japan' from the Ming dynasty, marking the sole instance of a Japanese ruler accepting such a Chinese designation during the early modern period.
Japan ended its recognition of China's regional hegemony and canceled tribute missions in 1549.
Answer: True
Japan formally terminated its acknowledgment of China's regional hegemony and ceased tribute missions in 1549, thereby concluding a relationship that had been re-established in 1401.
Ming China interpreted the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598) as a minor border dispute.
Answer: False
The Ming dynasty, under the Wanli Emperor, perceived the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598) not as a minor border dispute, but as a direct challenge to the established Ming-centered worldview and regional order.
Thailand remained an important Chinese tributary state from the Sui dynasty until the Taiping Rebellion in the mid-19th century.
Answer: True
Thailand maintained its status as an important Chinese tributary state for an extended period, commencing from the Sui dynasty (581–618) and continuing until the mid-19th century, coinciding with the Taiping Rebellion during the late Qing dynasty. Chinese immigrants also played a significant role in Thailand's commerce.
The Sukhothai Kingdom established official tributary relations with the Ming dynasty during the reign of King Ram Khamhaeng.
Answer: False
The first unified Thai state, the Sukhothai Kingdom, initiated official tributary relations with the Yuan dynasty, not the Ming, during the reign of King Ram Khamhaeng. Thailand continued this tributary relationship until 1853.
The 19th-century scholar Wei Yuan considered Thailand to be one of China's least loyal Southeast Asian tributaries.
Answer: False
The 19th-century Chinese scholar Wei Yuan regarded Thailand as the most loyal and significant among China's Southeast Asian tributaries, citing its historical support for the Ming dynasty as evidence.
Vietnam was ruled by China for over a millennium before becoming a tributary of China after gaining independence in 939.
Answer: True
Vietnam endured over a millennium of direct Chinese rule before achieving independence in 939 AD. Subsequently, it entered into a tributary relationship with China, which persisted until 1885 when it became a French protectorate.
The Lê dynasty and the Nguyễn dynasty in Vietnam adopted the imperial Chinese system and declared themselves emperors.
Answer: True
The Lê dynasty (1428–1527) and the Nguyễn dynasty (1802–1945) in Vietnam adopted the imperial Chinese system, proclaiming themselves emperors and establishing their own tributary structures, while still acknowledging tributary status to China.
The Ming dynasty treated Vietnam with more respect than Korea or the Ryukyu Kingdom due to its strong Sinicization.
Answer: False
Despite Vietnam's significant Sinicization, the Ming dynasty accorded it less deference compared to Korea or the Ryukyu Kingdom. The Hongwu Emperor expressed reservations about military engagements in Southeast Asia and merely rebuked Vietnam's conquest of Champa.
The Sultanate of Sulu was part of China's tributary system by the second millennium AD.
Answer: True
By the second millennium AD, the Sultanate of Sulu, located within the Philippine archipelago, had become integrated into China's tributary system. Trade between the Philippine islands and China predates this period, dating back to the Tang dynasty.
How did Joseon Korea utilize its tributary relationship with China?
Answer: To legitimize their own rule by referencing China's symbolic authority.
The rulers of Joseon Korea strategically leveraged their participation in the tributary system to enhance their own domestic legitimacy. By referencing and receiving acknowledgment from China's symbolic imperial authority, they reinforced their position and governance.
Which statement accurately describes Japan's relationship with Chinese authority compared to Joseon Korea?
Answer: Japan actively avoided any association with Chinese authority to prevent harming its legitimacy.
Unlike Joseon Korea, Japanese leaders often perceived that a close association with Chinese imperial authority could potentially undermine their own domestic legitimacy. This suggests a more complex and sometimes cautious approach to acknowledging Chinese hegemony compared to other tributary states.
Which tributary state sent an exceptionally high number of missions to the Ming dynasty, averaging two per year between 1372 and 1398?
Answer: The Ryukyu Kingdom
The Ryukyu Kingdom was notably active in dispatching tribute missions to the Ming dynasty, sending 57 missions between 1372 and 1398, averaging approximately two per year, which was significantly more frequent than the regulated triennial missions for many other states.
Beyond material benefits, what cultural factor motivated participation in the tributary relationship for some elites, such as those in Vietnam?
Answer: Genuine favor towards Chinese culture and political norms, seeing themselves as part of Sinic civilization.
Beyond pragmatic considerations, cultural affinity played a significant role in motivating participation in the tributary system for certain elites. For example, in Vietnam, a genuine appreciation for Chinese culture and political norms fostered a sense of belonging to a shared Sinic civilization.
Despite becoming a tributary to the Qing in 1636, how did Joseon Korea initially react towards the Qing compared to the Ming dynasty?
Answer: Joseon continued to support the Ming, viewed Manchus as barbarians, and used Ming calendars.
Despite formally becoming a tributary to the Qing dynasty in 1636, Joseon Korea maintained a complex relationship, initially continuing to support the Ming and viewing the Manchus as 'barbarians,' even employing the Ming calendar and era names in defiance of Qing authority.
How did Vietnamese elites generally view Chinese culture and political norms?
Answer: They were generally favorable, feeling proud to be part of Sinic civilization.
Vietnamese elites generally exhibited a favorable disposition towards Chinese culture and political norms. They often expressed pride in being part of the Sinic civilization, valuing Chinese texts and historical literacy, and integrating Chinese cultural elements into their own society.
How did Japan interact with Qing China regarding tributary relations?
Answer: Japan avoided direct contact, manipulating other states' embassies to create a false impression.
Japan maintained a circumspect approach to direct tributary relations with Qing China. Instead of formal embassies, Japan often manipulated the embassies of neighboring states, such as Joseon and Ryukyu, to create an indirect impression of tributary engagement.
What did the source suggest about the practice of Silla using its own reign title in relation to China?
Answer: It was considered confusing and eventually corrected by adopting the Tang reign title.
The practice of Silla employing its own reign title, despite its tributary status, was noted as confusing and potentially problematic. It was eventually corrected by Silla's adoption of the Tang reign title, which was viewed as a necessary rectification of an earlier deviation.
How did Goryeo's rulers view their own position in Northeast Asia?
Answer: As 'Great Kings' and sovereigns of a Goryeo-centered world, maintaining their own imperial style.
Goryeo rulers perceived themselves as sovereign 'Great Kings' presiding over a Goryeo-centered world in Northeast Asia, maintaining their own imperial style, governmental institutions, and administrative divisions.
What was the primary objective of Japanese expeditions to China between 607 and 839 AD?
Answer: To acquire knowledge, including studying Buddhism, government, medicine, and painting.
The principal objective of Japanese expeditions to China between 607 and 839 AD was the acquisition of knowledge, encompassing studies in Buddhism, governance, medicine, and painting, rather than the formation of military alliances. These voyages were also perilous, with a significant mortality rate.
Under which shogunate did Japan again become a tributary of China (Ming dynasty) in 1401?
Answer: Ashikaga shogunate
In 1401, Japan, under the administration of the Ashikaga shogunate, re-established tributary relations with the Ming dynasty of China.
What title did Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu accept from the Ming dynasty in 1404?
Answer: King of Japan
In 1404, Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu accepted the title 'King of Japan' from the Ming dynasty, marking the sole instance of a Japanese ruler accepting such a Chinese designation during the early modern period.
What was the consequence for Japan when it ended its recognition of China's regional hegemony and canceled tribute missions in 1549?
Answer: Japan relinquished its trade relationship with China.
The cessation of tributary engagement by Japan resulted in the relinquishment of its established trade relationship with China, underscoring the economic interdependence fostered by the tributary system.
How did Ming China interpret the failed Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598)?
Answer: As a direct challenge to the Ming-centered worldview and order.
The Ming dynasty, under the Wanli Emperor, perceived the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598) not as a minor border dispute, but as a direct challenge to the established Ming-centered worldview and regional order.
According to the 19th-century scholar Wei Yuan, what was Thailand's standing among China's Southeast Asian tributaries?
Answer: The strongest and most loyal.
The 19th-century Chinese scholar Wei Yuan regarded Thailand as the most loyal and significant among China's Southeast Asian tributaries, citing its historical support for the Ming dynasty as evidence.
Which Vietnamese dynasties adopted the imperial Chinese system and declared themselves emperors?
Answer: Le and Nguyen dynasties
The Lê dynasty (1428–1527) and the Nguyễn dynasty (1802–1945) in Vietnam adopted the imperial Chinese system, proclaiming themselves emperors and establishing their own tributary structures, while still acknowledging tributary status to China.
What incident involving Vietnam and the Malacca sultanate was reported to the Ming dynasty?
Answer: Vietnamese ships attacked Malaccan survivors, and Vietnam sought to conquer Malacca.
The Malacca sultanate reported to the Ming dynasty that Vietnamese ships had attacked and plundered survivors of a Malaccan vessel shipwrecked in Vietnam in 1469. Furthermore, Malacca alleged that Vietnam harbored intentions to conquer Malacca, though they refrained from direct conflict without imperial sanction.
According to a 2018 study, how did Vietnamese rulers behave regarding China's threat level due to their participation in the tributary system?
Answer: They explicitly recognized their unequal status, behaved as though China was not a threat, and focused less military attention on it.
A 2018 study indicates that Vietnamese rulers, acknowledging their subordinate status within the tributary system, perceived China as a diminished threat. Consequently, they allocated fewer military resources towards defense against China, focusing instead on internal stability and regional interactions.
Which polity in the Philippine islands was part of China's tributary system by the second millennium AD?
Answer: The Sultanate of Sulu
By the second millennium AD, the Sultanate of Sulu, located within the Philippine archipelago, had become integrated into China's tributary system. Trade between the Philippine islands and China predates this period, dating back to the Tang dynasty.
Joseon Korea ceased being a tributary of Qing China following the conclusion of the First Sino-Japanese War in 1895.
Answer: True
Joseon Korea's tributary status with Qing China formally concluded in 1895, subsequent to the defeat of China in the First Sino-Japanese War.
By exiting the tributary system, Japan strengthened its trade relationship with China.
Answer: False
The cessation of tributary engagement by Japan resulted in the relinquishment of its established trade relationship with China, underscoring the economic interdependence fostered by the tributary system.
What significant shift occurred in China's international relations by the late 19th century?
Answer: China established a European-style community of sovereign states with formal diplomatic relations and adherence to international law.
By the late 19th century, China transitioned from its traditional tributary framework towards integration into a global system of sovereign states. This involved establishing formal diplomatic relations based on international law, marking a departure from the hierarchical Sinocentric order.
Until what year did Joseon Korea remain a tributary of Qing China?
Answer: 1895
Joseon Korea's tributary status with Qing China formally concluded in 1895, subsequent to the defeat of China in the First Sino-Japanese War.