How do migrant networks, as described by Douglas Massey, contribute to the formation and success of ethnic enclaves?

Douglas Massey explains that migrant networks provide new immigrants with social capital, which can be converted into tangible resources. These networks, formed by immigrants clustering in geographic spaces, facilitate the exchange of vital information about employment, housing, and support services, thereby lowering migration costs and promoting social and economic development for members.

Can you provide examples of historical ethnic enclaves?

Historically, ethnic enclaves have existed in various forms. Examples include a new Armenian enclave near Beirut, an old one in Bucharest, and an even older Armenian Quarter in Jerusalem. Roman colonies also served a similar function, and in the United States, the town of Gravesend, Brooklyn, was established by a governing authority in 1645 to allow a specific group to form their own community.

What socioeconomic and social factors contribute to the formation of ethnic enclaves?

The formation of ethnic enclaves is influenced by several socioeconomic and social factors. These include the desire for cultural familiarity and easier communication among those who share a language, the lack of access to economic capital and neighborhood knowledge for new immigrants, and social dynamics like prejudice, racism, and housing discrimination that may concentrate co-ethnics into specific areas.

What are the key factors that predict the economic success and growth of an ethnic enclave?

The economic success and growth of an ethnic enclave can be largely predicted by three main factors: the size and population of the enclave itself, the level of entrepreneurial skills possessed by its members, and the availability of capital resources within the enclave.

When did the term ethnic enclave originate, and what was the context?

The term ethnic enclave emerged in response to a 1980 publication by Alejandro Portes and Kenneth Wilson. They identified a distinct labor market where Cuban immigrants in Miami were employed by co-ethnics running immigrant-owned firms, defining this collection of enterprises as the enclave economy.

What is the core idea behind the enclave economy hypothesis?

The enclave economy hypothesis, pioneered by Alejandro Portes and Kenneth Wilson based on observations of the Cuban community in Miami, suggests that participation in an enclave economy offers immigrants an alternative and often faster route to economic mobility compared to entering the host society's secondary labor market. This hypothesis emphasizes the role of social capital in establishing migrant networks and their associated advantages.

How does the concept of cumulative causation explain the growth of ethnic enclaves over time?

Cumulative causation, particularly in the context of globalization and easier international travel, suggests that ethnic enclaves contribute to increased migration. By pooling resources and achieving mobility, immigrants create structures that lower migration costs and facilitate upward mobility for future immigrants from their home country, creating a self-perpetuating cycle of migration.

According to Douglas Massey, what gives migration processes a self-perpetuating momentum?

Douglas Massey posits that migrant networks build a self-perpetuating momentum into the migration process. These networks facilitate the exchange of resources and knowledge, making it easier for subsequent immigrants to migrate and achieve upward mobility, regardless of fluctuating economic conditions or restrictive immigration policies.

How does the 'modes of incorporation' approach differ from the neoclassical model in explaining immigrant success?

The modes of incorporation approach, favored by sociologists, argues that factors beyond human capital, such as education and work experience, are crucial for immigrant success. It suggests that social and institutional contexts, including the presence of ethnic enclaves and social networks, significantly influence occupational mobility and earnings, which the neoclassical model, focusing solely on human capital, does not fully capture.

What role do kinship networks play in the social incorporation of immigrants?

Kinship networks, composed of relatives and friends already in the receiving country, act as a vital source of social capital for newly arrived immigrants. These networks can provide essential aid for physical, economic, emotional, and socio-psychological needs, helping immigrants navigate the challenges of assimilation and integration when they may have limited access to other resources.

What factors can influence the quality and effectiveness of kinship networks for immigrants?

The quality of kinship networks can be affected by several factors. These include the economic stability of the receiving party, the overall economic conditions and job availability in the host country, the duration and intensity of aid required, and the potential for conflict or stress within relationships due to economic hardships. Shared norms can also create obligatory ties that might restrict exploration outside the network.

How does ethnic identity develop, particularly for second-generation immigrants, according to Mary C. Waters?

Sociologist Mary C. Waters theorizes that parental involvement in ethnic organizations and activities significantly influences a child's ethnic identity development. She notes that second-generation immigrants often need to actively engage with their heritage to solidify their ethnic identity.

What are the primary short-term benefits of enclave networks for immigrants?

Enclave networks offer immigrants access to a unique form of social capital and function like large kinship networks. Their universally acknowledged short-term benefits include reduced socio-psychological challenges, increased cultural comfort by resembling their place of origin, solidarity, trust among members, informal workplace training, and easier access to job opportunities. They also provide a haven from potential social hostility in the wider society.

How do ethnic enclaves contribute to the economic integration of immigrants?

Ethnic enclaves facilitate economic integration by providing access to social capital, which lowers migration costs and offers economic assistance like job opportunities and small business loans. Small, ethno-centric firms within the enclave offer immediate employment, often in low-wage jobs easily accessible to new members, and allow immigrants to integrate without needing immediate host country language or cultural skills.

What are the potential downsides of the informal economy within ethnic enclaves?

While the informal economy within ethnic enclaves can widen employment scope and help entrepreneurs bypass regulatory costs, it also carries risks. These include the constant threat of detection by the formal sector, which impacts job security, and the potential for exploitation, such as unpaid labor, especially for undocumented immigrants who fear reporting violations of labor laws.

How do government policies influence the modes of incorporation for immigrants?

Government policies are a primary mode of reception for immigrants. Policies related to immigration control, visa statuses (refugee, student, worker), and measures aimed at accelerating social and political incorporation, alongside economic integration, significantly shape the reception and subsequent integration path of immigrants into the host society.

What is Wayne Cornelius's 'gap hypothesis' regarding immigration policy?

Wayne Cornelius's gap hypothesis describes the discrepancy between official immigration policies and their actual outcomes. This gap often results from unintended consequences and inadequate enforcement by the receiving society, stemming from factors like ambiguous government stances or political incoherence, leading to outcomes that differ from the stated policy goals.

What does Wayne Cornelius's 'convergence hypothesis' suggest about immigration policies?

The convergence hypothesis, studied by Wayne Cornelius, suggests that immigrant-receiving countries are increasingly adopting similar political responses to immigration. These similarities are observed in policies for immigration control, integration services and rights for immigrants, and public attitudes towards immigrants and immigration policy preferences.

How does Irene Bloemraad describe the social nature of political incorporation for immigrants?

Irene Bloemraad describes political incorporation as a social process of mobilization, influenced by friends, family, community organizations, and local leaders. This process is embedded within an institutional context shaped by government policies on diversity and newcomer settlement, emphasizing that social networks critically shape how immigrants approach citizenship.

In what ways can ethnic enclaves assist immigrants with political and civic incorporation?

Ethnic enclaves can aid political and civic incorporation by providing a space that facilitates upward mobility and economic integration. This integration influences co-ethnics' perceptions of receiving institutions and can help gauge community interest in naturalization, guiding immigrants through the process of gaining citizenship.

What are the two main areas of debate among scholars regarding ethnic enclaves?

Scholars debate the role of ethnic enclaves in two primary areas: first, their impact on assimilation patterns and upward mobility for immigrants, and second, the economic ramifications associated with membership within these enclaves.

What is the central point of contention in the debate about the long-term implications of ethnic enclaves?

While the immediate economic and social advantages of ethnic enclaves are recognized, the long-term consequences are debated. The uncertainty arises because enclaves allow immigrants to function successfully without significant cultural or linguistic adjustment, which can either encourage eventual assimilation or allow members to remain segregated and detached from the larger host society, potentially hindering the acquisition of essential skills.

How does the enclave economy hypothesis, as formulated by Wilson and Portes, challenge the idea of a mobility trap?

Wilson and Portes formulated the enclave economy hypothesis suggesting that immigrant workers are not necessarily confined to the secondary labor market. They argued that workers within an immigrant enclave can experience significant economic returns beyond their human capital investments, distinguishing them from those in the primary or secondary markets, thus presenting the enclave economy as an alternative mode of incorporation rather than a mobility trap.

What criticisms do Sanders and Nee raise against the enclave economy hypothesis?

Sanders and Nee criticize the enclave economy hypothesis by arguing for a distinction between immigrant bosses and immigrant workers, as economic benefits differ significantly between these groups. They also suggest that ethnic enclaves might actually aggravate segregation and force immigrant workers into low-paying jobs, questioning the quality and supply of economic opportunities within enclaves.

How do Portes and Jensen respond to the criticisms of the enclave economy hypothesis?

Portes and Jensen clarify that the hypothesis does not require enclave members to be wealthier than those who left, noting that the constant influx of new immigrants can be burdensome but does not negate other advantages. They also state that disproving their hypothesis would require demonstrating that ethnic entrepreneurship acts as a mobility trap leading to lower earnings than an immigrant's human capital would otherwise yield, that work within the enclave is exploitative, or that it offers no chance of upward mobility, conditions they find difficult to prove with available data.

What specific business niches do Jennifer Lee's observations highlight regarding ethnic enclaves?

Jennifer Lee's observations point to immigrants often participating in physically demanding, long-hour work within the retail industry, which has relatively low startup costs and language requirements. She notes that certain niches, like fruit and vegetable markets or takeout restaurants, require minimal customer interaction and communication, making them accessible but potentially leading to domination that can exclude other ethnic groups.

How have ethnic enclaves evolved in the United States historically?

Ethnic enclaves in the United States began to appear significantly with the large-scale arrival of Irish immigrants in the early 19th century and continued forming throughout the 19th and 20th centuries with successive waves of immigrants. Initially, immigrants chose these neighborhoods due to language barriers and cost-of-living benefits, finding social networking and employment opportunities, as modeled by sociologists Park and Burgess in the 1920s.

Where is the majority of the immigrant population in the United States concentrated, and what factors contribute to the persistence of racial enclaves?

In 1998, nearly three-quarters of all immigrants in the United States lived in California, New York, Texas, Florida, New Jersey, or Illinois. Housing discrimination remains a significant factor contributing to the persistence of racial enclaves in American cities.

What trends have been observed regarding the prevalence of ethnic neighborhoods in the United States?

A study found that in 1970, 43% of the foreign-born population in the U.S. lived in ethnic neighborhoods, a figure that rose to 67% by 2010. These neighborhoods typically exhibit lower average incomes and housing values, a higher proportion of rental housing, and a greater number of inhabitants who commute without a car.

What is the typical lifespan of most ethnic neighborhoods in the United States?

Most ethnic neighborhoods in the United States tend to disappear within one to two decades. This is because immigrants gradually gain language abilities, cultural skills, and economic resources, enabling them to move to other areas.

Besides modern examples, what are some historical instances of ethnic enclaves?

Historical ethnic enclaves include the village of Schandorf, which was a Croatian enclave for centuries surrounded by Austrian and Hungarian populations, originating from settlers invited in the 16th century. Alghero in Sardinia still retains a Catalan enclave from a 14th-century conquest. Additionally, Vepsians and Russians have historically formed enclaves within larger populations, and Hat Yai in Thailand has been an enclave for Malay Muslims and Chinese immigrants since the 19th century.

What does it mean for an ethnic enclave to become 'institutionally complete'?

An ethnic enclave becomes institutionally complete when it can sufficiently supply the needs of its co-ethnic members and then expands to meet the needs of the broader host society market. This self-sufficiency is achieved through the continuous supply of new immigrants and the demand for goods and services offered within the enclave's economy.

What are the two distinct definitions that the term 'ethnic enclave' began to represent?

Following the discourse pioneered by Portes and Wilson, the term 'ethnic enclave' started to represent two distinct definitions: one referring to an enclave economy, characterized by a concentration of ethnic firms employing co-ethnics, and the other referring to a residential area with a high concentration of co-ethnic residents.

What is the 'gap hypothesis' in relation to immigration policy, according to Wayne Cornelius?

The gap hypothesis, as studied by Wayne Cornelius, highlights the discrepancy between official immigration policies and their actual outcomes. This gap often results from unintended consequences and insufficient enforcement by the receiving society, stemming from factors like ambiguous government stances or political incoherence.

What are the three conditions outlined by Portes and Jensen that would disprove their enclave economy hypothesis?

Portes and Jensen outlined three conditions that would disprove their hypothesis: first, demonstrating that ethnic entrepreneurship acts as a mobility trap leading to lower earnings than an immigrant's human capital would otherwise yield; second, providing data that shows work within the enclave is exploitative; and third, presenting data indicating that employment within the enclave leads to a dead end with no opportunity for upward mobility.

Ethnic Enclave Wiki: Urban Tapestries: The Sociology of Ethnic Enclaves

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What is an Ethnic Enclave?

Defining the Space

In sociology, an ethnic enclave is a geographic area characterized by a high concentration of a particular ethnic group, a distinct cultural identity, and significant economic activity.^[2] These areas are often recognized by their unique cultural markers and the prevalence of businesses owned and operated by members of the ethnic group.

Migrant Networks and Social Capital

Sociologist Douglas Massey highlights the role of migrant networks within enclaves. These networks provide immigrants with crucial social capital—information about employment, affordable housing, and social services—which can be converted into tangible resources, thereby lowering the costs and risks associated with migration.^[4]^[5]

Economic Self-Sufficiency

The success of ethnic enclaves is often linked to their degree of self-sufficiency and economic prosperity.^[3] By fostering a concentration of ethnic firms and providing employment opportunities within the community, enclaves can facilitate the economic incorporation and upward mobility of their members, offering an alternative pathway to integration.

Historical Roots

Ancient and Medieval Origins

Ethnic enclaves have been prominent urban features for centuries. Early examples include Roman colonies established to manage provinces and specific urban quarters in cities like Jerusalem, which historically housed distinct ethnic or sectarian groups.^[17] The concept of segregated or distinct community areas predates modern migration patterns.

Global Manifestations

Throughout history, various factors have led to the formation of ethnic enclaves. These include military conquests (e.g., Catalans in Alghero, Sardinia), deliberate repopulation efforts (e.g., Croatian settlers in Schandorf, Austria), or groups remaining in their territory while being surrounded by a larger majority.^[44]^[45]

Modern Urban Formations

In more recent history, large-scale immigration has led to the proliferation of ethnic enclaves in cities worldwide. Examples include the historic Chinatown in Manila, the Korean enclave in Palisades Park, New Jersey, and India Square in Jersey City, reflecting diverse cultural groups establishing distinct community spaces.^[1]^[15]

Sociological Theories

Enclave Economy Hypothesis

Pioneered by Alejandro Portes and Kenneth Wilson, this hypothesis suggests that immigrants participating in an enclave economy—characterized by co-ethnic employers and employees—can achieve economic mobility more rapidly than those in the host society's secondary labor market.^[3]^[20] Social capital is central to this model.

Cumulative Causation

Douglas Massey's theory of cumulative causation posits that immigration patterns create self-perpetuating momentum. As immigrants establish themselves and form networks within enclaves, they lower the costs and barriers for subsequent waves of immigrants from the same origin, fostering continued migration.^[4]

Segmented Assimilation

This perspective examines how immigrants integrate into different segments of the host society. The presence of strong kinship networks and enclave resources can influence whether immigrants assimilate into the dominant culture, maintain their ethnic identity, or form a distinct subculture, impacting their overall socio-economic trajectory.^[21]

Modes of Incorporation

Social Integration

Immigrants navigate assimilation and integration through various social channels. Kinship networks provide vital support, but their quality can vary based on economic stability and the duration of need.^[23] Ethnic identity development is also influenced by parental involvement and available social networks.^[21]

Economic Integration

Enclave economies offer immediate opportunities through co-ethnic businesses, often operating within the informal sector to bypass regulations. These firms can provide higher wages than the secondary labor market and offer pathways to entrepreneurship, though they may also present risks of exploitation.^[18]^[25]

Political & Civic Engagement

Government policies significantly shape immigrant reception and integration. Factors like visa status and social service provision influence incorporation. Irene Bloemraad's work emphasizes how migrant networks, community organizations, and government settlement policies mobilize immigrants towards citizenship and political participation.^[33]

Policy and Governance

Policy Gaps and Convergence

Wayne Cornelius's gap hypothesis describes the divergence between official immigration policies and their actual outcomes, often due to unintended consequences or weak enforcement. The convergence hypothesis suggests a growing similarity in how countries manage immigration, including control measures, integration services, and public attitudes.^[30]^[32]

Public Opinion and Advocacy

Government responses to immigration are influenced by public opinion and the lobbying efforts of various special interest groups, including employer associations, advocacy organizations, and labor unions. These dynamics can shape immigration policies even amidst shifting economic conditions or public sentiment.^[31]

Integration and Citizenship

The process of political incorporation, including the acquisition of citizenship, is deeply social. It is shaped by mobilization efforts from friends, family, and community organizations, embedded within a governmental framework that supports or hinders diversity and newcomer settlement.^[33] Enclaves can facilitate this process by providing structured support.

The Enclave Debate

Long-Term Implications

While enclaves offer immediate economic and social advantages, their long-term effects on assimilation and upward mobility are debated. The ability to function within the host society without significant cultural or linguistic adjustment can be both a facilitator of integration and a barrier to deeper engagement with the broader economy.^[34]

Economic Viability Critiques

Scholars like Sanders and Nee critique the enclave economy hypothesis, arguing for a distinction between immigrant entrepreneurs and workers. They suggest that segregation and low-wage jobs within enclaves may hinder overall economic progress and that enclave membership can exacerbate segregation.^[8]^[36]

Niche Domination and Exclusion

Jennifer Lee's research points out that immigrants often occupy specific niches, particularly in retail, which require less host-country language proficiency. While beneficial for co-ethnics, this domination can lead to the exclusion of other groups from these networks, highlighting potential negative externalities.^[37]

Ethnic Enclaves in the US

Waves of Immigration

The United States has a long history of immigration, with successive waves establishing ethnic enclaves in various cities. Early 19th-century Irish immigrants were among the first to form such neighborhoods, followed by numerous other groups throughout the 20th century.^[38]

Residential Patterns

Immigrants often cluster in specific states like California, New York, and Texas. Housing discrimination has historically played a role in maintaining racial and ethnic segregation. While many ethnic neighborhoods tend to dissolve within a decade or two as immigrants gain resources, their prevalence has increased in recent decades.^[40]^[43]

Chain Migration Dynamics

Chain migration, where existing immigrants facilitate the migration of relatives and friends, is a key factor in the establishment and persistence of ethnic enclaves. This process creates social structures that lower migration costs and promote economic mobility for newcomers.^[5]

Notable Historical Enclaves

European Examples

Historically, ethnic enclaves emerged for various reasons. Schandorf, now in Austria, was a Croatian enclave for centuries, established by settlers invited to repopulate lands after Turkish attacks.^[44] Alghero in Sardinia retains a Catalan enclave dating back to its 14th-century conquest by Catalans.^[45]

Asian Examples

In Southern Thailand, Hat Yai has served as an ethnic enclave for Malay Muslims and Chinese immigrants since the 19th century. These examples demonstrate the diverse geographical and historical contexts in which ethnic enclaves have formed and persisted.

Surrounded Communities

Ethnic enclaves can also form when a group remains in its ancestral territory but becomes surrounded by a larger, dominant majority population. The Vepsians in Russia provide an example of such a situation, where the group maintains its identity within a broader national context.

References

Source Citations

The following references were used in the creation of this content:

^ Prime Sarmiento (May 21, 2018). "Exploring world's 'oldest' Chinatown". China Daily. Retrieved October 12, 2022.
^ Abrahamson, Mark . "Urban Enclaves: Identity and Place in America." Review by: David M. Hummon. Contemporary Sociology. American Sociological Association. Vol. 25 No. 6 (Nov. 1996): pp. 781-782.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f Portes, Alejandro, and Leif Jensen. "Disproving the Enclave Hypothesis: Reply." American Sociological Review. Vol. 57. no. 3 (1992): 418-420.
^ ^a ^b Massey, Douglas S. (1990). The Social and Economic Origins of Immigration. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 510(1), 60–72. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716290510001005: pp. 60.
^ ^a ^b ^c Massey, Douglas S. "Why Does Immigration Occur? A Theoretical Synthesis." The Handbook of International Migration: The American Experience, Charles Hirschman, Philip Kasinitz, and Josh DeWind, editors. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1999.
^ Edin, Per-Anders, Peter Fredriksson, and Olof Aslund. "ETHNIC ENCLAVES AND THE ECONOMIC SUCCESS OF IMMIGRANTS—EVIDENCE FROM A NATURAL EXPERIMENT." The Quarterly Journal of Economics. no. 1 (2003): 329-357.
^ Abramitzky, Ran; Boustan, Leah; Connor, Dylan Shane (2024). "Leaving the Enclave: Historical Evidence on Immigrant Mobility from the Industrial Removal Office". The Journal of Economic History. 84 (2): 352–394. doi:10.1017/S0022050724000159. ISSN 0022-0507.
^ ^a ^b ^c Sanders, Jimy M. and Nee, Victor. "Limits of Ethnic Solidarity in the Enclave Economy." American Sociological Review. 52. no. 6 (1987): 745-773.
^ "Yearbook of Immigration Statistics: 2012 Supplemental Table 2". U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Retrieved 2014-04-05.
^ "Yearbook of Immigration Statistics: 2011 Supplemental Table 2". U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Retrieved 2014-04-05.
^ "Yearbook of Immigration Statistics: 2010 Supplemental Table 2". U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Retrieved 2014-04-05.
^ John Marzulli (May 9, 2011). "Malaysian man smuggled illegal Chinese immigrants into Brooklyn using Queen Mary 2: authorities". New York Daily News. Archived from the original on June 23, 2012. Retrieved 2014-04-05.
^ "Chinese New Year 2012 in Flushing". QueensBuzz.com. January 25, 2012. Retrieved 2014-04-05.
^ Asian Americans: Contemporary Trends and Issues Second Edition, Edited by Pyong Gap Min. Pine Forge Press – An Imprint of Sage Publications, Inc. 2006. ISBN 9781412905565. Retrieved 2012-11-15.
^ Karen Sudol; Dave Sheingold (October 12, 2011). "Korean language ballots coming to Bergen County". North Jersey Media Group. Retrieved 2012-11-15.
^ "Bucharest Armenian Neighbourhood". Interesting Times Bureau. 2016-09-18. Retrieved 2019-11-03.
^ Deyirmenjian, Sevan (6 May 2013). "Հայկ. մեր դրուագ Երուսաղեմ Ք.Հովհաննիսյանի անունով:". Jamanak (in Armenian). Istanbul. Archived from the original on 28 March 2016.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h Portes, Alejandro (1995). "Chapter 1: Economic Sociology and the Sociology of Immigration: A conceptual Overview". In Portes, Alejandro (ed.). The Economic Sociology of Immigration. Russel Sage Foundation. pp. 1–41.
^ Waldinger, Roger. "The Ethnic Enclave Debate Revisited."International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 17. no. 3 (1993): 428-436.
^ Portes, Alejandro, and Kenneth Wilson. "Immigrant Enclaves: An Analysis of the Labor Market Experiences of Cubans in Miami." American Journal of Sociology. 86. no. 2 (1980): 295-319.
^ ^a ^b Waters, Mary C. "Ethnic and Racial Identities of Second-Generation Black Immigrants in New York City." International Migration Review. 28. no. 4 (1994): 795-820.
^ Waters, p. 799.
^ ^a ^b ^c Menj\u00edvar, Cecilia. "Immigrant Kinship Networks and the Impact of the Receiving Context: Salvadorans in San Francisco in the Early 1990s." Social Problems. 44. no. 1 (1997): 104-123.
^ ^a ^b ^c Inkpen, C. Andrew and Tsang, W. K. Eric. "Social Capital, Networks, and Knowledge Transfer" The Academy of Management Review. Vol 30. No. 1 (1992): 146-165.
^ Light, Ivan; Sabagh, Georges; Bozorgmehr, Mehdi; Der-Martirosian, Claudia (1994). "Beyond the Ethnic Enclave Economy". Social Problems. 41 (1): 65–80. doi:10.2307/3096842. ISSN 0037-7791. JSTOR 3096842.
^ Light, Ivan; Sabagh, Georges; Bozorgmehr, Mehdi; Der-Martirosian, Claudia (1994). "Beyond the Ethnic Enclave Economy". Social Problems. 41 (1): 65–80. doi:10.2307/3096842. ISSN 0037-7791. JSTOR 3096842.
^ Sanders, Jimy M.; Nee, Victor (1996). "Immigrant Self-Employment: The Family as Social Capital and the Value of Human Capital". American Sociological Review. 61 (2): 231–249. doi:10.2307/2096333. ISSN 0003-1224. JSTOR 2096333.
^ Damm, Anna Piil (2009). "Ethnic Enclaves and Immigrant Labor Market Outcomes: Quasi-Experimental Evidence". Journal of Labor Economics. 27 (2): 281–314. doi:10.1086/599336. ISSN 0734-306X. JSTOR 10.1086/599336. S2CID 17521852.
^ Hondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette. "Blowups and Other Unhappy Endings" in Global Woman: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy by Barbara Enrehnreich and Arlie Hochschild. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2002.
^ Cornelius, Wayne A. Controlling Immigration: A Global Perspective. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004. 3-42. Print.
^ Cornelius, p.11-12.
^ Cornelius, p.4.
^ ^a ^b Bloemraad, Irene. "Social Forces." Social Forces. Vol. 85. No. 2 (Dec. 2006): pp. 667-695. Print.
^ Duncan, Natasha T. and Waldorf, Brigitte S." Becoming a U.S. Citizen: The Role of Immigrant Enclaves" Cityscape. 11. No. 3 (2009): 5-28.
^ Sanders and Nee, pp. 746.
^ Sanders and Nee, pp. 745.
^ ^a ^b Lee, Jennifer. Civility in the City: Blacks, Jews, and Koreans in Urban America. Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England: Harvard University Press, 2002.
^ Caves, R. W. (2004). Encyclopedia of the City. Routledge. p. 241.
^ Vigdor, Jacob L. (2009). From immigrants to Americans : the rise and fall of fitting in. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN 978-1-4422-0138-5. OCLC 578648211.
^ Borjas, George J. Heaven's Door: Immigration Policy and the American Economy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999. p.8-11.
^ The Racial Structuring of the Housing Market and Segregation in Suburban Areas Linda Brewster Stearns, John R. Logan Social Forces, Vol. 65, No. 1 (Sep., 1986), pp. 28–42
^ Stephen R Holloway (1998) Exploring the Neighborhood Contingency of Race Discrimination in Mortgage Lending in Columbus, Ohio Annals of the Association of American Geographers 88 (2), 252–276.
^ ^a ^b Dai, Tianran; Schiff, Nathan (2023-09-01). "The structure and growth of ethnic neighborhoods". Journal of Urban Economics. 137 103570. doi:10.1016/j.jue.2023.103570. ISSN 0094-1190. S2CID 259281489.
^ See [1].
^ See [2].

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References

Abrahamson, Mark . "Urban Enclaves: Identity and Place in America." Review by: David M. Hummon. Contemporary Sociology. American Sociological Association. Vol. 25 No. 6 (Nov. 1996): pp. 781-782.

Portes, Alejandro, and Leif Jensen. "Disproving the Enclave Hypothesis: Reply." American Sociological Review. Vol. 57. no. 3 (1992): 418-420.

Massey, Douglas S. "Why Does Immigration Occur? A Theoretical Synthesis." The Handbook of International Migration: The American Experience, Charles Hirschman, Philip Kasinitz, and Josh DeWind, editors. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1999.

Edin, Per-Anders, Peter Fredriksson, and Olof Aslund. "ETHNIC ENCLAVES AND THE ECONOMIC SUCCESS OF IMMIGRANTSâEVIDENCE FROM A NATURAL EXPERIMENT." The Quarterly Journal of Economics. no. 1 (2003): 329-357.

Sanders, Jimy M. and Nee, Victor. "Limits of Ethnic Solidarity in the Enclave Economy." American Sociological Review. 52. no. 6 (1987): 745-773.

Waldinger, Roger. "The Ethnic Enclave Debate Revisited."International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 17. no. 3 (1993): 428-436.

Portes, Alejandro, and Kenneth Wilson. "Immigrant Enclaves: An Analysis of the Labor Market Experiences of Cubans in Miami." American Journal of Sociology. 86. no. 2 (1980): 295-319.

Waters, Mary C. "Ethnic and Racial Identities of Second-Generation Black Immigrants in New York City." International Migration Review. 28. no. 4 (1994): 795-820.

MenjÃvar, Cecilia. "Immigrant Kinship Networks and the Impact of the Receiving Context: Salvadorans in San Francisco in the Early 1990s." Social Problems. 44. no. 1 (1997): 104-123.

Inkpen, C. Andrew and Tsang, W. K. Eric. "Social Capital, Networks, and Knowledge Transfer" The Academy of Management Review. Vol 30. No. 1 (1992): 146-165.

Hondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette. "Blowups and Other Unhappy Endings" in Global Woman: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy by Barbara Enrehnreich and Arlie Hochschild. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2002.

Cornelius, Wayne A. Controlling Immigration: A Global Perspective. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004. 3-42. Print.

Duncan, Natasha T. and Waldorf, Brigitte S." Becoming a U.S. Citizen: The Role of Immigrant Enclaves" Cityscape. 11. No. 3 (2009): 5-28.

Lee, Jennifer. Civility in the City: Blacks, Jews, and Koreans in Urban America. Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England: Harvard University Press, 2002.

Borjas, George J. Heaven's Door: Immigration Policy and the American Economy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999. p.8-11.

The Racial Structuring of the Housing Market and Segregation in Suburban Areas Linda Brewster Stearns, John R. Logan Social Forces, Vol. 65, No. 1 (Sep., 1986), pp. 28–42

Stephen R Holloway (1998) Exploring the Neighborhood Contingency of Race Discrimination in Mortgage Lending in Columbus, Ohio Annals of the Association of American Geographers 88 (2), 252â276.

See [1].

See [2].

A full list of references for this article are available at the Ethnic enclave Wikipedia page

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Urban Tapestries

💡 Dive in with Flashcard Learning! 💡

What is an Ethnic Enclave? 🏘️

📍 Defining the Space

🤝 Migrant Networks and Social Capital

💰 Economic Self-Sufficiency

Historical Roots ⏳

🏛️ Ancient and Medieval Origins

🌏 Global Manifestations

🏙️ Modern Urban Formations

Sociological Theories ⚖️

💡 Enclave Economy Hypothesis

🔄 Cumulative Causation

🧩 Segmented Assimilation

Modes of Incorporation ↔️

🧑‍🤝‍🧑 Social Integration

💼 Economic Integration

🏛️ Political & Civic Engagement

Policy and Governance 🏛️

⚖️ Policy Gaps and Convergence

📢 Public Opinion and Advocacy

🤝 Integration and Citizenship

The Enclave Debate ❓

🤔 Long-Term Implications

📈 Economic Viability Critiques

🚧 Niche Domination and Exclusion

Ethnic Enclaves in the US 🇺🇸

🌊 Waves of Immigration

🏠 Residential Patterns

🔗 Chain Migration Dynamics

Notable Historical Enclaves 🕰️

🇪🇺 European Examples

🌏 Asian Examples

🌍 Surrounded Communities

References 📚

📜 Source Citations

Teacher's Corner 🧑‍🏫

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Gamer's Corner 🎮

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References

📜 References

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Disclaimer ⚠️

📜 Important Notice

Dive in with Flashcard Learning!

What is an Ethnic Enclave?

Defining the Space

Migrant Networks and Social Capital

Economic Self-Sufficiency

Historical Roots

Ancient and Medieval Origins

Global Manifestations

Modern Urban Formations

Sociological Theories

Enclave Economy Hypothesis

Cumulative Causation

Segmented Assimilation

Modes of Incorporation

Social Integration

Economic Integration

Political & Civic Engagement

Policy and Governance

Policy Gaps and Convergence

Public Opinion and Advocacy

Integration and Citizenship

The Enclave Debate

Long-Term Implications

Economic Viability Critiques

Niche Domination and Exclusion

Ethnic Enclaves in the US

Waves of Immigration

Residential Patterns

Chain Migration Dynamics

Notable Historical Enclaves

European Examples

Asian Examples

Surrounded Communities

References

Source Citations

Teacher's Corner

True or False?

Test Your Knowledge!

Gamer's Corner

Discover other topics to study!

References

Feedback & Support

Disclaimer

Important Notice