The Unyielding Voice
An academic exploration of the life, political influence, and religious leadership of a pivotal figure in Ulster's modern history.
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Overview
A Dominant Figure
Ian Richard Kyle Paisley, Baron Bannside (1926โ2014), was a prominent loyalist politician and Protestant religious leader from Northern Ireland. His career spanned decades, during which he profoundly influenced the political and religious landscape of the region. He served as the leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) from its inception in 1971 until 2008 and notably held the position of First Minister of Northern Ireland from 2007 to 2008.
Religious Foundation
Paisley's public life was deeply rooted in his religious convictions. Ordained as an evangelical minister in 1946, he co-founded the Reformed fundamentalist Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster in 1951, leading it for 57 years until 2008. His sermons were characterized by fervent anti-Catholicism, anti-ecumenism, and opposition to homosexuality, attracting a dedicated following often referred to as "Paisleyites."
Political Catalyst
Entering Ulster unionist politics in the late 1950s, Paisley became a central figure in the loyalist opposition to the Catholic civil rights movement in the mid-1960s. His actions are widely considered to have contributed significantly to the escalation of "the Troubles," a conflict that defined Northern Ireland for three decades. He consistently opposed power-sharing between unionists and Irish nationalists/republicans, as well as any attempts to involve the Republic of Ireland in Northern Irish affairs.
Personal
Early Life and Family
Born in Armagh, County Armagh, on 6 April 1926, Ian Paisley was raised in Ballymena, County Antrim. His father, James Kyle Paisley, was an Independent Baptist pastor and a former member of the Ulster Volunteers under Edward Carson, a background that likely shaped Paisley's early political and religious views. His mother was Scottish.
Marriage and Children
Paisley married Eileen Cassells on 13 October 1956. Together, they had five children: three daughters (Sharon, Rhonda, and Cherith) and twin sons (Kyle and Ian Jr.). The family maintained a strong connection to their father's public life; Kyle became a Free Presbyterian minister, Ian Jr. served as a DUP Member of Parliament, and Rhonda was a DUP councillor.
Identity and Heritage
Despite his staunch unionist stance and opposition to Irish republicanism, Paisley identified strongly as an Ulsterman. Interestingly, he also acknowledged himself as an Irishman, stating, "you cannot be an Ulsterman without being an Irishman." This complex identity reflects the intricate cultural and political landscape of Northern Ireland, where national and regional identities often intertwine.
Faith
Ministerial Calling
Paisley decided to pursue a career as a Christian minister in his teenage years, delivering his first sermon at the age of 16. He undertook theological training at the Barry School of Evangelism (now Wales Evangelical School of Theology) and later at the Reformed Presbyterian Theological Hall in Belfast, solidifying his commitment to a fundamentalist interpretation of Christianity.
Free Presbyterian Church
In 1951, at just 25 years old, Paisley co-founded the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster. This new denomination emerged after a Presbyterian Church in Ireland congregation was prohibited from hosting Paisley as a speaker. He served as the church's moderator for 57 consecutive years, leading a fundamentalist and evangelical movement that emphasized strict separation from churches perceived to have deviated from biblical doctrines. By the 1991 census, the church had approximately 12,000 members, representing a distinct segment of the Northern Ireland population.
Anti-Catholic Rhetoric
Paisley was renowned for his "Bible Protestantism," a highly conservative and literal interpretation of the Bible that fueled his strong anti-Catholic views. His public relations arm, the European Institute of Protestant Studies, explicitly aimed to "expound the Bible, expose the Papacy, and to promote, defend and maintain Bible Protestantism." He authored numerous books and pamphlets on his religious and political perspectives, including a commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, and established the Protestant Telegraph newspaper in 1966 to disseminate his message.
Social Conservatism
Beyond his anti-Catholicism, Paisley was a staunch social conservative. He preached vehemently against homosexuality, advocating for its criminalization and actively picketing gay-rights events. His "Save Ulster from Sodomy" campaign, launched in 1977, aimed to prevent the extension of the Sexual Offences Act 1967 (which decriminalized homosexual acts between males over 21 in England and Wales) to Northern Ireland. This campaign ultimately failed following a 1982 ruling by the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Dudgeon v United Kingdom. He also protested against perceived blasphemy in popular culture, such as the stage productions Jesus Christ Superstar and Jerry Springer: The Opera, and was strongly anti-abortion.
Activism
Early Unionist Engagement
Paisley's political activism began in 1949 with the formation of a Northern Irish branch of the National Union of Protestants. He campaigned for Ulster Unionist Party candidates and, in 1956, co-founded Ulster Protestant Action (UPA). Initially focused on organizing the defense of Protestant areas against anticipated Irish Republican Army (IRA) activity, the UPA evolved to champion 'Bible Protestantism' and Protestant interests in employment and housing, notably campaigning against the allocation of public housing to Catholics.
Public Order Incidents
Paisley's early activism was marked by several public order convictions. In June 1959, after he publicly announced addresses of Catholic-owned properties at a UPA rally in the Shankill district of Belfast, the crowd subsequently attacked these homes and businesses. In 1964, his threat that he would lead a march to remove an Irish tricolour displayed by an Irish republican candidate in Belfast, if the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) did not, led to the RUC seizing the flag and subsequent severe rioting between republicans and police. Thirty people, including at least 18 officers, were hospitalized. These incidents highlighted his confrontational approach and ability to mobilize loyalist sentiment.
Rights
Opposing Civil Rights
In 1964, a peaceful civil rights campaign began in Northern Ireland, seeking to end discrimination against Catholics by the Protestant and unionist government. Paisley instigated and led loyalist opposition to this movement over the next few years. He also led opposition against Terence O'Neill, the then Prime Minister of Northern Ireland. Although O'Neill was also a unionist, Paisley and his followers saw him as being too 'soft' on the civil rights movement and opposed his policies of reform and reconciliation.
Paramilitary Connections
In April 1966, Paisley and Noel Doherty established the Ulster Constitution Defence Committee (UCDC) and its paramilitary wing, the Ulster Protestant Volunteers (UPV). This period coincided with the 50th anniversary of the Easter Rising, which loyalists feared would lead to a revived IRA campaign. Many members of the emerging Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) were also part of the UCDC and UPV. Paisley publicly acknowledged the UVF's participation in a march, and although he later denied knowledge of their activities, one convicted UVF member stated after his arrest, "I am terribly sorry I ever heard of that man Paisley or decided to follow him."
Bombings and Resignations
In MarchโApril 1969, the Ulster Protestant Volunteers (UPV) carried out bombings of water and electricity installations in Northern Ireland, leaving much of Belfast without power and water. Paisley and the Protestant Telegraph falsely attributed these attacks to the dormant IRA and elements of the civil rights movement, aiming to undermine confidence in Prime Minister O'Neill. This tactic contributed to O'Neill's resignation on 28 April. Paisley continued his opposition to O'Neill's successors, James Chichester-Clark and Brian Faulkner.
The 1969 Riots
The civil rights campaign, and attacks on it by loyalists and police, culminated in the severe August 1969 riots in Belfast, particularly in areas like Divis Street. These events saw clashes between Catholic Irish nationalists, police, and loyalists, who invaded Catholic neighborhoods and burned scores of homes and businesses. This led to the deployment of British troops and is widely regarded as the beginning of "the Troubles." Following the riots, Paisley controversially claimed that Catholic homes caught fire because they were loaded with petrol bombs, and that Catholic churches were attacked and burned because they were arsenals where priests handed out sub-machine guns to parishioners.
Rise
Electoral Breakthrough
Paisley achieved significant electoral success in 1970. Representing the Protestant Unionist Party, he won the Bannside seat in the Northern Ireland Parliament by-election, previously held by Prime Minister Terence O'Neill. Concurrently, he secured the North Antrim seat in the UK general election. These victories were "further evidence of the break-up of the unionist block and the unease among a large section of Protestants about the reform measures introduced under Chichester-Clark."
Founding the DUP
On 30 September 1971, Ian Paisley, alongside Desmond Boal, founded the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). This party would become the primary vehicle for his political agenda, championing a hardline unionist stance and eventually displacing the Ulster Unionist Party as the dominant unionist force in Northern Ireland. The DUP's establishment marked a formalization of Paisley's distinct political movement.
Complex Relationships
From the 1960s, one of Paisley's main rivals was civil rights leader and co-founder of the nationalist Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), John Hume. Despite their public antagonism, British government papers released in 2002 revealed that Paisley attempted to reach a compromise with the SDLP in 1971 through Sir Burke Trend, the British Cabinet Secretary. Paisley indicated a willingness to form a new government in Stormont with Catholic minority leaders, but the SDLP ultimately rejected the overture, perceiving it as leading to a "very one-sided alliance." Paisley later clarified that while there was an "exchange of views," it never progressed because the SDLP did not align with his vision of power resting solely with the people's mandate.
Accords
Opposing Sunningdale
The Sunningdale Agreement of December 1973 proposed a power-sharing government for Northern Ireland between unionists and nationalists, along with a Council of Ireland to foster cooperation with the Republic of Ireland. Paisley vehemently opposed this, viewing power-sharing with nationalists and the Council of Ireland as a direct path to a united Ireland. He, along with anti-Agreement Ulster Unionist Party leader Harry West and Ulster Vanguard leader William Craig, formed the United Ulster Unionist Council (UUUC) to oppose the Agreement. Its slogan was "Dublin is just a Sunningdale away."
Against Anglo-Irish Agreement
The Anglo-Irish Agreement, signed on 15 November 1985, affirmed Northern Ireland's status would not change without the consent of a majority of its citizens and granted the Irish government an advisory role on political, legal, and security matters. Led by Paisley and UUP leader James Molyneaux, unionists mounted a major protest campaign against the Agreement, dubbed "Ulster Says No." This involved mass protests, strikes, and civil disobedience. On 23 November 1985, more than 100,000 people attended a rally at Belfast City Hall. In his address, Paisley famously declared, "Where do the terrorists operate from? From the Irish Republic! Where do the terrorists return to for sanctuary? To the Irish Republic! And yet Mrs Thatcher tells us that the Republic must have some say in our Province. We say Never! Never! Never! Never!"
Rejecting Good Friday
Paisley's DUP was initially involved in the negotiations under former United States Senator George J. Mitchell that eventually led to the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, but the party withdrew in protest when Sinn Fรฉin was allowed to participate after the Provisional IRA's 1994 ceasefire. Instead, Paisley traveled to Cameroon for a documentary. He and his party opposed the Agreement in the referendum that followed its signing, which was approved by over 70% of Northern Irish voters. Despite his stated loyalty to the Crown, he criticized Queen Elizabeth II for endorsing the Agreement, calling her Tony Blair's "parrot." Although DUP members took ministerial seats in the new Northern Ireland Assembly, they refused to attend meetings of the Executive Committee (cabinet) in protest at Sinn Fรฉin's participation.
Militia
The Third Force
During 1981, amidst talks between Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Taoiseach Charles Haughey and the ongoing Irish republican hunger strike, Paisley attempted to establish a Protestant loyalist volunteer militia known as the (Ulster) Third Force. On the night of 6 February 1981, he summoned journalists to a hillside in County Antrim, where he had gathered 500 men. The men were photographed in military formation, waving what purported to be firearms certificates in the air. Paisley declared: "This is a small token of the men who are placed to devastate any attempt by Margaret Thatcher and Charles Haughey to destroy the Union," adding, "I will take full responsibility for anything these men do. We will stop at nothing."
Ulster Resistance
On 10 November 1986, at a large private rally in the Ulster Hall, Paisley, along with DUP members Peter Robinson and Ivan Foster, announced the formation of the Ulster Resistance Movement (URM). This loyalist paramilitary organization's stated purpose was to "take direct action as and when required" to bring down the Anglo-Irish Agreement and defeat republicanism. Paisley, who stood on the platform in a red beret, said "there are many like myself who'd like to see the Agreement brought down by democratic means, but wouldn't we all be fools if we weren't prepared." Other recruitment rallies were held across Northern Ireland, and the movement was organized into nine 'battalions.' The following year, the URM helped smuggle a large shipment of weapons into Northern Ireland, which were shared out between the URM, UVF, and UDA. Most, but not all, of the weaponry, was seized by police in 1988. In 1989, URM members attempted to trade Shorts' missile blueprints for weapons from the apartheid South African regime. Following these revelations, the DUP said that it had cut its links with the URM in 1987.
Drumcree
The Marching Dispute
Paisley was involved in the Drumcree dispute during the late 1980s and 1990s, a contentious issue surrounding the right of the Orange Order, a Protestant unionist fraternal organization, to march through the Catholic part of Portadown. Catholic residents sought to ban the yearly march from their area, viewing it as sectarian, triumphalist, and supremacist. Paisley, a former member of the Orange Order and belonging to the Apprentice Boys, frequently addressed the yearly gathering of the Independent Orange Order, reinforcing his support for the marches.
Confrontation and Arrest
On 30 March 1986, after a loyalist march was banned from the Catholic district, Paisley led 3,000 loyalists who forced their way past police. Residents claimed that some of the marchers were carrying guns and that police did little to stop the loyalists attacking their homes, leading to severe rioting between residents and the police. In July 1995, when residents succeeded in stopping the Orange march from entering their area, thousands of Orangemen and loyalists engaged in a standoff with the police and army at Drumcree Church. Paisley addressed a rally at Drumcree, telling a crowd of thousands: "We will die if necessary rather than surrender! If we don't win this battle all is lost. It is a matter of life and death; it is a matter of Ulster or the Irish Republic; it is a matter of freedom or slavery!" Afterwards, Paisley gathered a throng of Orangemen and tried to push through the police lines, but was arrested. Loyalists threw missiles at the police and tried to break through the blockade; police responded with plastic bullets. In support of the Orangemen, loyalists blocked roads across Northern Ireland, and there were attacks on Catholics and the police. The march was eventually allowed to continue through the Catholic area. As the march ended, Paisley and David Trimble held hands in the air in what appeared to be a gesture of triumph, causing considerable ill-feeling among the Catholic residents.
Power
Shifting Dynamics
By 2005, Paisley's DUP had surpassed the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) to become the largest unionist party in Northern Ireland, marking a significant shift in the political landscape that had been dominated by the UUP since 1905. Despite his long-standing opposition to power-sharing with Sinn Fรฉin, the St Andrews Agreement in October 2006 saw the DUP agree to new elections and support for a new executive, contingent on Sinn Fรฉin's acceptance of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). This reversed decades of his previous hardline stance, such as his comments in July 2006 that Sinn Fรฉin was "not fit to be in partnership with decent people."
First Minister
Following Sinn Fรฉin's subsequent endorsement of the PSNI, the DUP, under Paisley's leadership, gained an increased share of the vote and increased their assembly seats from 30 to 36 in the 2007 Northern Ireland Assembly election. On Monday 26 March 2007, the British Government's deadline for devolution, Paisley led a DUP delegation in a historic meeting with a Sinn Fรฉin delegation led by Gerry Adams, which agreed on a DUP proposal that the executive would be established on 8 May. On that date, power was devolved, the Assembly met, and Ian Paisley was elected First Minister of Northern Ireland, with Sinn Fรฉin's Martin McGuinness as Deputy First Minister.
The "Chuckle Brothers"
In a remarkable turn, Paisley and McGuinness subsequently established a good working relationship, earning them the nickname "the Chuckle Brothers" from the Northern Irish media. Speaking at Stormont to an invited international audience, Paisley expressed hope for "lasting peace in our province." His transformation from a staunch opponent of republicanism to a power-sharing partner was a defining moment in the peace process. In September 2007, he confirmed he would contest North Antrim at the 2010 general election and serve a full four years as First Minister, stating, "I might as well make hay while the sun shines." In 2007, he was recognized as "Opposition Parliamentarian of the Year" and "Marathon Man of the Year" for his enduring political career.
Legacy
Retirement from Leadership
In January 2008, Paisley retired as leader of the Free Presbyterian Church. Under pressure from within his party, he announced on 4 March 2008 that he would step down as DUP leader and First Minister of Northern Ireland in May. Peter Robinson was elected unopposed as DUP leader on 17 April and succeeded Paisley as First Minister at a special sitting of the assembly on 5 June 2008. On 2 March 2010, it was announced that Paisley would step down as a Member of Parliament at that year's general election. His son, Ian Paisley Jr., was elected to succeed him in the North Antrim seat at the general election on 6 May 2010.
Baron Bannside
On 18 June 2010, Paisley was created a life peer as Baron Bannside, of North Antrim in the County of Antrim, and was introduced to the House of Lords on 5 July 2010. He opted not to take the title "Lord Paisley" as his wife was already in the House as Baroness Paisley, and he said that it would have implied she was "sitting not in her own right but as my wife." Bannside was the Northern Ireland Parliament constituency Paisley had won in 1970, a nod to his early electoral success.
Final Years and Passing
In November 2011, Paisley announced to his congregation, which he had led for over 60 years, that he would retire as minister. He delivered his final sermon to a packed attendance at the Martyrs' Memorial Hall on 18 December 2011, and finally retired from his religious ministry at the age of 85, on 27 January 2012. In his final years, he faced health challenges, including heart problems and a pacemaker fitting due to cardiac arrhythmia. He passed away in Belfast on 12 September 2014, aged 88. His body was buried at Ballygowan in County Down on 15 September following a private funeral, and a public memorial for 830 invited guests was held in the Ulster Hall on 19 October. An obituary in The New York Times reported that late in life Paisley had moderated and softened his stances against Roman Catholics but that, "the legacies of fighting and religious hatreds remained."
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References
References
- Downing, Taylor; The Troubles: The background to the question of Northern Ireland, page 132, third printing; published by Thames Macdonald
- Clifford Smyth, Ian Paisley: Voice of Protestant Ulster, p.5
- T. Gallagher, "Religion, Reaction, and Revolt in Northern Ireland: The Impact of Paisleyism in Ulster", Journal of Church and State, 23.3 (1981), p. 440
- Ed Moloney and Andy Pollak, Paisley, Poolbeg Press, Dublin, 1986, pp.247รขยย9.
- Ian Paisley and politics of peace, Los Angeles Times, 24 March 2010
- Hunt, Stephen. Contemporary Christianity and LGBT Sexualities. Ashgate Publishing, 2012. p.132
- Richard Lawrence Jordan, The Second Coming of Paisley: Militant Fundamentalism and Ulster Politics, p.222
- Clifford Smyth, Ian Paisley: Voice of Protestant Ulster, p.4
- See CEB Brett, Long Shadows Cast Before, Edinburgh, 1978, pp. 130รขยย131
- See Ian S. Wood, 'The IRA's Border Campaign' p. 123 in Anderson, Malcolm and Eberhard Bort, ed. 'Irish Border: History, Politics, Culture'. Liverpool University Press. 1999
- Coogan, Tim Pat. The Troubles: Ireland's Ordeal and the Search for Peace. Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. p.56
- Boulton, David. The UVF 1966รขยย73, An Anatomy of Loyalist Rebellion. Torc Books, 1973. (Boulton 34)
- Jordan, Hugh. Milestones in Murder: Defining moments in Ulster's terror war. Random House, 2011. Chapter 3.
- Coogan, Tim Pat. The Troubles: Ireland's Ordeal and the Search for Peace. Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. p.59
- Paul Arthur & Keith Jeffrey, Northern Ireland Since 1968, Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1996
- Boulton, David. The UVF, 1966รขยย73: An anatomy of loyalist rebellion. Gill and Macmillan, 1973. p.43
- Anderson, Don. 14 May Days: The Inside Story of the Loyalist Strike of 1974. Gill and Macmillan, 1994. p.75
- David George Boyce and Alan O'Day. Defenders of the Union: a survey of British and Irish unionism since 1801. Routledge, 2001. p.255.
- Wood, Ian S., Crimes of Loyalty: A History of the UDA, Edinburgh University Press, 2006, p. 64
- Henry Patterson, Eric P. Kaufmann. Unionism and Orangeism in Northern Ireland Since 1945. Manchester University Press, 2007. p.198-199
- Hall, Michael. The Death of the Peace Process?: A survey of community perceptions. Island Publications, 1997. p.10
- Cochrane, Feargal. Unionist Politics and the Politics of Unionism Since the Anglo-Irish Agreement. Cork University Press, 1997. p. 154
- Bruce, Steve. The Edge of the Union: The Ulster Loyalist Political Vision. Oxford University Press, 1994. p. 33
- Cochrane, Feargal. Unionist Politics and the Politics of Unionism Since the Anglo-Irish Agreement. Cork University Press, 1997. p.338
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