The Emerald Isle's Stance
An in-depth exploration of Ireland's complex policy of non-belligerence during World War II, known domestically as 'The Emergency'.
Explore Policy ๐ View Cooperation ๐คDive in with Flashcard Learning!
๐ฎ Play the Wiki2Web Clarity Challenge Game๐ฎ
Defining Neutrality
The Policy of Non-Alignment
Upon the outbreak of World War II in Europe, Ireland's Oireachtas, at the instigation of Taoiseach รamon de Valera, adopted a policy of neutrality. This stance was maintained throughout the entire conflict, a period domestically referred to as "The Emergency," a title derived from the constitutional article used to suspend normal governance. This policy necessitated a delicate balance between strict non-alignment and pragmatic actions to deter or repel potential invasions from either Allied or Axis forces.
A Balancing Act
Maintaining neutrality was not a passive endeavor. It required constant vigilance and strategic maneuvering. While officially non-aligned, Ireland engaged in numerous unpublicized contraventions of strict neutrality. These included permitting the use of the Donegal Corridor by Allied military aircraft and providing extensive cooperation between Allied and Irish intelligence services. Crucially, Ireland supplied the Allies with detailed weather reports for the Atlantic Ocean, including a critical report from Blacksod Bay, County Mayo, which significantly influenced the decision to proceed with the Normandy landings.
Global and Local Pressures
The decision for neutrality was deeply rooted in Ireland's recent history and its aspirations for full independence. Despite the official position, both German and British invasion scenarios were actively discussed within Dรกil รireann, and preparations were made for both eventualities. The most detailed preparations, however, were conducted in cooperation with the Allies under "Plan W." De Valera's ruling party, Fianna Fรกil, consistently supported his neutral policy throughout the war, reflecting a broader national sentiment.
Prewar Relations
Vestiges of Empire
In 1939, Ireland was nominally a Dominion of the British Empire and a member of the Commonwealth. While the nation had achieved de facto independence after the Irish War of Independence, and the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 declared it a "sovereign, independent, democratic state," certain vestigial connections to the Crown remained. These links were not fully severed until The Republic of Ireland Act 1948, which formally terminated its Commonwealth membership.
Constitutional Autonomy
The Statute of Westminster 1931 was a pivotal legal development, signifying that, unlike in World War I, Britain's entry into conflict no longer automatically implicated its Dominions. This provided the Irish Free State with the explicit option to remain neutral in 1939. Furthermore, a new constitution, adopted via plebiscite in 1937, vested the "Supreme Command" of the Defence Forces in the President of Ireland, reinforcing the nation's sovereign authority over its military.
Anglo-Irish Strains
Relations between Ireland and Britain had been fraught for many years leading up to the war. A notable example was the "Anglo-Irish Trade War," an economic dispute that persisted until 1938. This history of strained relations and the recent assertion of constitutional independence provided a strong impetus for Ireland to declare and maintain its neutrality, seeking to solidify its distinct national identity on the international stage.
Internal Dynamics
Public Support & Divided Loyalties
Irish neutrality enjoyed widespread support among the population. However, this did not preclude individual choices to participate in the conflict. At least 50,000 Irish citizens served in the British Army, with others joining the Merchant Navy and Royal Air Force. Notably, 4,983 members of the Irish Defence Forces deserted to fight with Allied forces, facing significant discrimination and loss of rights upon their return, a situation only formally pardoned by the Irish Government in 2013.
IRA and German Links
Elements of the Irish Republican movement, driven by a desire for a United Ireland, sided with the Third Reich at the war's outset, believing a German victory might serve their cause. This threat was taken seriously by de Valera's government, which had previously tolerated the IRA but responded to escalating violence with the Emergency Powers Act 1939. This act aimed to curb subversive activity that could compromise Irish non-involvement or provide a pretext for a British invasion.
Anti-British Sentiment
Despite official neutrality, a strong undercurrent of anti-British sentiment persisted among some segments of the Irish population. This was exemplified by public demonstrations, such as the burning of an effigy of Neville Chamberlain in Dublin in 1939. Joe Walshe, Secretary of the Department of External Affairs, articulated the government's pragmatic view in 1941, stating that "small nations like Ireland do not and cannot assume a role as defenders of just causes except [their] own. ... Existence of our own people comes before all other considerations."
Ports & Trade
Wartime Isolation
At the war's outbreak, Ireland found itself significantly isolated. Its shipping fleet had been neglected since independence, and foreign ships, upon which Ireland had previously relied, became scarce. Neutral American ships, for instance, refused to enter the designated "war zone." Taoiseach รamon de Valera lamented in 1940 that "No country had ever been more effectively blockaded because of the activities of belligerents and our lack of ships, most of which had been sunk, which virtually cut all links with our normal sources of supply."
The Long Watch
The Irish Mercantile Marine, though diminutive, continued essential overseas trading. This period became known as "The Long Watch" for Irish mariners. They sailed unarmed and often alone, flying the Irish tricolour and prominently displaying "EIRE" in large letters on their hulls and decks to signify their neutral status. Despite these precautions, twenty percent of seamen were killed during the war, and Allied convoys often could not stop to rescue survivors. Irish mariners, however, rescued seafarers from both Allied and Axis sides, even as they faced attacks predominantly from the Axis powers. Their efforts ensured vital imports reached Ireland and food supplies were delivered to Great Britain, saving 521 lives.
U-Boat Rumours
Despite persistent rumors, no U-boats ever utilized Ireland as a refuelling base. The origins of such claims likely stem from incidents like the 1939 dumping of 28 rescued Greek sailors by German submarine U-35 onto the Irish coast after sinking their freighter. This event, widely publicized and featured on the cover of *Life* magazine, highlighted the U-boat's ability to operate near Irish waters without being intercepted by coastal defense aircraft, fueling speculation about covert support.
External Policy
Safeguarding Independence
For รamon de Valera, the primary objective of Ireland's neutral stance was the preservation of its hard-won independence. While he harbored no sympathy for the Axis powers, he recognized that Ireland's long-term national security was intrinsically linked to Great Britain. As early as 1920, de Valera articulated this pragmatic view: "An independent Ireland would see its own independence in jeopardy the moment it saw the independence of Britain seriously threatened. Mutual self-interest would make the people of these two islands, if both independent, the closest of allies in a moment of real national danger to either."
The Partition Offer of 1940
In a significant diplomatic overture between June 17-26, 1940, British envoy Malcolm MacDonald presented a proposal to end the partition of Ireland. The offer included a solemn undertaking to accept "the principle of a United Ireland" if the independent Irish state would abandon its neutrality and immediately join the war against Germany and Italy. However, the practical implementation of unity required agreement from both the government of รire and the government of Northern Ireland, both deeply distrustful of each other.
De Valera ultimately rejected the amended proposals on July 4, citing concerns about the lack of a concrete guarantee for a united Ireland and the immediate abandonment of neutrality. He reportedly stated, "We cannot believe you," and later, "If we were foolish enough to accept that invitation ... we would be cheated in the end." This offer and its rejection remained confidential until a biography was published in 1970.
Covert Cooperation
Strategic Imperatives
Ireland's neutrality, particularly the absence of British access to its "treaty ports," presented a significant strategic disadvantage to the British war effort. This raised the possibility of a British invasion to secure these vital naval bases. However, advancements in submarine detection technology and the establishment of military bases in Iceland diminished the critical importance of Irish ports compared to World War I. Consequently, Irish neutrality was subtly steered to benefit British interests, aiming to aid the Allied war effort without overtly compromising its non-belligerent status and thereby forestalling an invasion.
The Cranborne Report
On February 21, 1945, Viscount Cranborne, the British Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs, presented a memorandum to the British War Cabinet detailing extensive Irish-British collaboration during the war. This report acknowledged that the Irish Government had "been willing to accord us any facilities which would not be regarded as overtly prejudicing their attitude to neutrality," confirming a pattern of cooperation that began early in the conflict.
Diplomatic Nuances
De Valera's government engaged in careful diplomatic communication with both sides. Early in the war, career diplomat Dr. Eduard Hempel, the German Minister in Ireland, communicated to Berlin that Ireland's close trade links with the UK and the ease of a British invasion "rendered it inevitable for the Irish government to show a certain consideration for Britain." Hempel also noted a native Irish custom "to say agreeable things without meaning everything that is said," suggesting an awareness of the diplomatic tightrope Ireland walked. By 1944, as the war's tide turned, Hempel observed that the Irish government had become "unhelpful and evasive" towards Germany, reflecting the shifting geopolitical landscape.
Wartime Controversies
Condolences on Hitler's Death
Ireland maintained its public stance of neutrality until the very end, notably by refusing to close the German and Japanese Legations. On May 2, 1945, Taoiseach รamon de Valera personally visited Ambassador Hempel at his home in Dรบn Laoghaire to express official condolences on the death of Adolf Hitler, following standard diplomatic protocol for the death of a head of state with a legation in Ireland. President Douglas Hyde made a separate visit on May 3. This act, while consistent with Ireland's declared neutrality, caused a storm of protest in the United States and was not mirrored by other Western European democracies. Historian Paul Bew suggested that de Valera's subsequent denouncement of reports from Bergen-Belsen concentration camp as "anti-national propaganda" stemmed not from disbelief, but because the Holocaust challenged the underlying assumption of moral equivalence between the Allies and the Axis, a premise crucial to justifying Irish neutrality.
Position on Jewish Refugees
Ireland's stance on Jewish refugees fleeing Europe during the war was characterized by skepticism and official indifference. Authorities often justified turning away prospective immigrants by citing concerns about overcrowding, potential job displacement, and the possibility of an increase in the Jewish population leading to antisemitic problems. Domestic anti-Jewish sentiment was also present, notably expressed in a 1943 Dรกil speech by TD Oliver J. Flanagan, who advocated "routing the Jews out of the country."
Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform Michael McDowell later described this official indifference as "antipathetic, hostile and unfeeling." Dr. Mervyn O'Driscoll of University College Cork further reported on the unofficial and official barriers, noting that successful applicants for refuge were typically wealthy, middle-aged or elderly, single, Roman Catholic, and desired to retire peacefully without engaging in economic life, a criterion few Jewish refugees could meet.
Post-War Repercussions
Delayed UN Membership
Ireland's neutrality policy had tangible consequences for its post-war international standing, particularly regarding membership in the United Nations. From 1946 to December 1955, Ireland's applications for UN membership were repeatedly vetoed by the Soviet Union, a permanent member of the Security Council. The Soviet objection was ostensibly based on Ireland's lack of diplomatic presence in the Soviet Union and its perceived lack of support for the Allies during the war. However, Ireland's strong anti-communist stance and the Soviet desire to prevent the Western Bloc from gaining more votes in the General Assembly were likely more significant factors. Ireland finally gained acceptance into the UN on December 15, 1955.
Historical Debate
The implications of Ireland's non-involvement in World War II, and its avoidance of the devastation that defined much of Europe, remain a subject of historical debate. Winston Churchill, in his Victory in Europe Day speech (May 13, 1945), remarked on Britain's restraint towards Ireland, stating, "we never laid a violent hand upon them, which at times would have been quite easy and quite natural."
De Valera's response a few days later was a powerful defense of Ireland's position, acknowledging Britain's restraint but challenging Churchill to recognize a "small nation that stood alone... against aggression." He posed a hypothetical question: if Germany had occupied six southern counties of a partitioned England, would Churchill, as an Englishman, lead that partitioned nation to join Germany in a crusade for freedom? This exchange encapsulates the profound and often conflicting perspectives on Ireland's wartime neutrality and its legacy.
Historian F. S. L. Lyons described Ireland's experience as if "an entire people had been condemned to live in Plato's cave," untouched by the "tensions โ and the liberations โ of war." Ronan Fanning countered this, questioning "the liberating value of war for a people who has so recently emerged from revolution followed by a civil war and in whose midst the IRA still propounded the creed of violence," highlighting the complex internal context of Ireland's decision.
Teacher's Corner
Edit and Print this course in the Wiki2Web Teacher Studio
Click here to open the "Irish Neutrality During World War Ii" Wiki2Web Studio curriculum kit
Use the free Wiki2web Studio to generate printable flashcards, worksheets, exams, and export your materials as a web page or an interactive game.
True or False?
Test Your Knowledge!
Gamer's Corner
Are you ready for the Wiki2Web Clarity Challenge?
Unlock the mystery image and prove your knowledge by earning trophies. This simple game is addictively fun and is a great way to learn!
Play now
References
References
- Constitution of Ireland, Article 13.4 รขยย "The supreme command of the Defence Forces is hereby vested in the President."
- O'Halpin, Eunan, 1999, Defending Ireland: The Irish State and its enemies since 1922, Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 151.
- Bryce Evans, Ireland during the Second World War: Farewell to Plato's Cave (Manchester University Press, 2014)
- The Earl of Longford and Thomas P. O'Neill: รยamon de Valera. Gill and MacMillan, Dublin, 1970. pp. 347รขยย355
- Fisk 1983, p. 273: "Up to four huge tricolours were painted on the sides of each ship together with the word EIRE in letters twenty feet high".
- "Let's do better than the indifference we showed during the Holocaust รขยย Irish Examiner, 20 March 2004
- Clair Wills, 2007, That Neutral Island: A Cultural History of Ireland During the Second World War
Feedback & Support
To report an issue with this page, or to find out ways to support the mission, please click here.
Disclaimer
Important Notice
This page was generated by an Artificial Intelligence and is intended for informational and educational purposes only. The content is based on a snapshot of publicly available data from Wikipedia and may not be entirely accurate, complete, or up-to-date. While efforts have been made to present a comprehensive and polished overview, historical interpretations can vary, and new information may emerge.
This is not professional historical or political analysis. The information provided on this website is not a substitute for in-depth academic research, primary source analysis, or consultation with qualified historians and political scientists. Always refer to scholarly publications, archival documents, and expert opinions for a complete and nuanced understanding of historical events. Never disregard professional academic advice because of something you have read on this website.
The creators of this page are not responsible for any errors or omissions, or for any actions taken based on the information provided herein.