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Sacred Lexicon

An academic exploration of the vocabulary and concepts central to the spiritual life of ancient Rome.

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Glossary

abominari

The verb abominari signifies the act of averting an unfavorable omen. In augury, it meant rejecting or dismissing an unfavorable sign. This practice required skill and adherence to specific procedures to ensure the omen's invalidity. The term is the root of the English word "abomination."[2][3][4]

aedes

The aedes referred to the dwelling place of a deity, specifically the structure housing the god's image. This term distinguished the physical building from the sacred precinct, known as the templum. The design of an aedes was often tailored to the characteristics of the deity it housed, reflecting a theological dimension in architecture.[5][6][7]

ager

In a religious context, ager denoted a defined terrestrial space used for augury. Roman territory was categorized into five types: Romanus (Roman), Gabinus (related to Gabii), peregrinus (treaty-bound foreign territory), hosticus (foreign), and incertus (undefined). The magistrate's authority and actions were constrained by the nature of the ager.[12][13][14][15][16]

ara

The ara, or altar, served as the focal point for sacrifices. Roman altars were typically simple, open-air structures, often located within sacred precincts (templa) but not necessarily housing a cult image. The elaborate Ara Pacis is a notable example of a public altar.[17][18][19]

arbor felix

Arbor felix refers to trees considered "auspicious" or "fruitful," believed to be under the protection of the heavenly gods (di superi). Examples include the oak and laurel. Conversely, arbores infelices were associated with chthonic or averting deities.[20][21][22][23]

attrectare

The verb attrectare, meaning "to touch or handle," carried a specific religious connotation. It referred to the handling of sacred objects, which was permissible only for authorized and ritually purified individuals. Unauthorized touching was considered contamination or pollution.[24]

augur

An augur was a priest responsible for interpreting the will of the gods through the observation of signs, particularly the flight and actions of birds within a sacred space (templum). Augurs played a crucial role in all major state affairs, and their interpretations could suspend or cancel undertakings.[25][26]

auguraculum

The auguraculum was the ritual space, often a tent (tabernaculum), from which augurs observed the templum and solicited auspices. Rome had three such sites, facing east, with the augur's left side considered auspicious.[25]

augurium

Augurium referred to the practice and interpretation of omens by augurs, encompassing the augur's investiture, their ritual actions, and the augural law. The validity of an augurium could last for a year, a priest's lifetime, or be perpetual for a temple.[27][28][29][30][31][32]

auspex

An auspex was a diviner who interpreted omens derived from the flight of birds (avis). This practice was central to the broader field of auspicia.[46]

auspicia

Auspicia were signs observed from the flight of birds, originally establishing a time or place as auspicious. This practice, attributed to Romulus, was initially a patrician prerogative but later opened to plebeians. Only magistrates held the auspicia publica, essential for state affairs.[38][39][40][41][42]

auspicia impetrativa

Auspicia impetrativa were signs deliberately solicited under strict ritual conditions within an auguraculum. These were required for convening public assemblies and were actively sought by magistrates.[45][46][47][48]

auspicia maiora

The "greater auspices" were rights conferred upon a Roman magistrate holding imperium. A censor possessed the auspicia maxima. It is also thought that the flamines maiores were distinguished by their right to take these greater auspices.[49][50]

auspicia oblativa

Auspicia oblativa were unsolicited signs, considered divine communications of approval or disapproval. Prodigies (prodigium) were a form of unfavorable oblativa.[51]

auspicia privata

Private auspices were taken by families for significant personal matters like marriages or business. While information is scarce, the ritual likely mirrored public auspices, requiring silence and allowing for the dismissal of unfavorable signs. This practice declined by Cicero's time.[52][53][54][55][56][57][58][59]

averruncare

Averruncare means "to avert" misfortune indicated by an omen. This ritual action involved using wood from trees associated with underworld deities (arbores infelices) to ward off ill effects, possibly invoking the god Averruncus.[60][61]

Rituals & Practices

bellum iustum

A "just war" (bellum iustum) was one deemed justifiable by ius fetiale (fetial law). War was inherently nefas (wrong) due to potential religious pollution, requiring a just cause and adherence to formal declaration procedures to appease the gods.[62][63][64]

caerimonia

Caerimonia (plural caerimoniae) referred to ritual prescriptions or acts, emphasizing "inviolability" or "sanctity." These rites were considered essential for maintaining harmony with the divine, requiring specific mental and spiritual states from participants.[65][66][67][68][69][70]

calator

Calatores were assistants to senior priests, functioning as public slaves who managed daily administrative tasks. The term is derived from the Greek verb kalein, meaning "to call."[71]

capite velato

Capite velato, meaning "with the head covered," describes the practice of drawing the toga over the head during Roman rituals. This gesture symbolized piety and the officiant's priestly status, contrasting with Greek religious customs.[72][73][74][75][76]

carmen

In a religious context, a carmen was a chant, hymn, spell, or charm, characterized by formulaic expression and rhythm. These verbal utterances served ritualistic purposes, with examples including the archaic Carmen Arvale and Carmina Saliaria.[77][78][79][80][81]

castus, castitas

Castus (pure, chaste) and castitas (purity) denoted moral and ritual cleanness. In Roman religion, purity was paramount for pleasing the gods and ensuring the efficacy of rituals. Priests and sacred objects were expected to be castus.[82][83][84][85]

cinctus Gabinus

The cinctus Gabinus was a distinctive way of wearing the toga, allowing free use of the arms. It originated in Gabii and was associated with martial and certain religious contexts, particularly those involving covering the head (capite velato) or rituals for founding new colonies.[86][87][88][89][90][91]

clavum figere

Clavo trabali figere meant "to fasten with a beam nail," signifying the fixing or finalization of a matter. This ritual, involving driving a nail (clavus annalis) into the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, marked the passage of time and was associated with Minerva.[92][93][94][95][96][97][98][99][100][101]

collegium

A collegium was a legally recognized association, often religious in nature. The major priestly colleges, such as the Pontifices and Augures, held significant authority. Membership was initially restricted to patricians but later expanded.[102]

comitia calata

Comitia calata were non-voting assemblies convened for religious purposes, presided over by pontiffs. They were present for events like the inauguration of kings or priests, and for witnessing the reading of wills or oaths.[103][104][105][106][107][108][109][110]

commentarii augurales

The Commentarii augurales were written collections of decrees and responses from the college of augurs, serving as records of their interpretations and rulings.[111][112][113][114][115][116]

commentarii pontificum

The Commentarii pontificum documented the decrees and proceedings of the College of Pontiffs. These priestly writings, often arcane, contained rules, formulae, and interpretations of religious law, serving as reference works.[117][118][119][120][121][122][123][124][125][126]

coniectura

Coniectura was the reasoned, speculative interpretation of unexpected or novel signs (novae res). It was considered an "art" or method, distinct from formal "discipline," and applied to omens and portents.[127][128]

consecratio

Consecratio was the ritual act of creating a shrine (aedes) or altar (ara). It involved a pontiff reciting a formula from the pontifical books and a magistrate's dedication, distinguishing it from the augurs' inauguratio of sacred space.[129][130][131][132]

cultus

Cultus, meaning "cultivation of the gods," represented the active maintenance of a deity's worship through honor, reverence, and sacrifice. It reflected the contractual nature of Roman religion (do ut des) and was essential for maintaining harmony with the divine (pax deorum).[133][134][135][136]

Priesthoods

fetial

The fetiales were priests who oversaw the formal procedures and religious laws governing declarations of war and peace (ius fetiale). Their role ensured that warfare was conducted according to divine sanction.[256]

flamen

The fifteen flamines were high priests dedicated to specific deities, leading their associated rituals. Regarded as ancient, they wore distinctive headgear (apex) and officiated with covered heads (capite velato), reflecting early Roman religious practices.[257]

Fratres Arvales

The "Brothers of the Field" were an ancient college of priests focused on agricultural rites and ensuring fertility. Tradition attributes their founding to Romulus, though they likely predate Rome itself.[citation needed]

Deities & Concepts

deus, dea, di, dii

Deus (god), dea (goddess), and di/dii (gods) are generic terms for divine beings. Varro classified deities into those with ascertainable functions (certi), unknown functions (incerti), and principal or selected gods (praecipui/selecti).[146][147][148][149][150]

devotio

Devotio was an extreme vow where a general pledged their life and the enemy's to chthonic deities for victory. Livy details the self-sacrifice of Decius Mus as a prime example of this ritual.[151]

dies imperii

The dies imperii marked the anniversary of a Roman emperor's accession, observed with oaths of loyalty and vows for their well-being. This contrasted with the Republic's annual magistracies, acknowledging the irregular succession of emperors.[152][153][154]

dies lustricus

The dies lustricus was a naming ceremony for newborns, occurring on the eighth day for girls and ninth for boys. Children who died before this rite remained nameless, highlighting its significance in social and religious recognition.[155][156][157][158][159]

dies natalis

A dies natalis signified a birthday or the anniversary of a founding event. Romans celebrated birthdays annually, often aligning significant events with them. Temple anniversaries were also considered dies natalis, influencing the choice of dates for religious ceremonies.[160][161][162][163][164][165][162][166]

dies religiosus

A dies religiosus was a day marked on the calendar as forbidden for ordinary activities, including marriages, assemblies, or journeys. These days were distinct from nefasti days, which were related to legal proceedings.[167]

dies vitiosus

Dies vitiosus meant a day whose normal activities were prohibited due to observed omens or ritual impropriety (vitium). January 14 was uniquely designated annually as vitiosus by the Senate, initially linked to Mark Antony's birthday.[168][169][170][171][172]

dirae

Dirae, meaning "dire" or "awful," referred to the worst category of unsolicited omens, foretelling disastrous consequences. Ancient writers etymologically linked it to dei irae (divine wrath) and associated it with curses and imprecations.[173][174][175][176][177]

disciplina Etrusca

The disciplina Etrusca encompassed the entire body of Etruscan religious doctrine, ritual, laws, and cosmology, with a particular emphasis on divination concerning haruspicy, lightning, and rituals.[178][179][180]

divus

Divus (masculine) or diva (feminine) meant "divine," often referring to a deified mortal. While distinct from deus (a perpetual deity), this distinction was sometimes blurred in poetic usage. It signifies a human elevated to divine status.[181][182][183]

do ut des

Do ut des ("I give that you might give") encapsulates the reciprocal exchange central to Roman religion, reflecting a contractual relationship between humans and deities. Offerings were made with the expectation of divine favor and return.[184][185][186]

effatio

Effatio was the ritual act of establishing boundaries for a sacred space (templum) using fixed verbal formulas. It was a crucial part of the inauguratio ceremony, ensuring the site was properly consecrated and available for divine presence.[190][191][31][192][193]

evocatio

Evocatio, meaning "calling forth," was a ritual to transfer a tutelary deity's favor from an enemy city to Rome, often with promises of a better cult. It served as psychological warfare and a means to mitigate the sacrilege of looting religious images.[194][195][196][197][198][199][200][201][202][203]

exauguratio

Exauguratio was the reversal ritual for an inaugurated site (locus inauguratus), necessary when a deity's place was changed or a site secularized. It involved ceremonial invocations to remove the divine presence, distinct from evocatio.[204][205][206][207][208][209]

eximius

Eximius, meaning "choice" or "select," denoted the high quality required for sacrificial victims (hostiae). These animals were chosen for their appearance and suitability for divine offerings, considered a sacerdotal term.[210][211]

exta

The exta comprised the entrails of a sacrificed animal, including the gall bladder, liver, heart, and lungs. These were exposed for divine approval (litatio) and "read" according to Etruscan discipline, while the meat was shared in a communal meal.[212][213]

Divination & Omens

fanaticus

Fanaticus originally meant "belonging to a shrine (fanum)," referring to temple attendants or devotees of ecstatic cults. It later acquired a negative connotation, describing those with excessive religious zeal, and was applied to trees struck by lightning, considered sacred.[214][215][216][217][218][219][220][221][222][223][224]

fanum

A fanum was a plot of consecrated ground, a sanctuary, or a temple built upon it. This term was inclusive, encompassing native Italic sacred sites and structures for foreign cults, often influenced by Celtic traditions in Gaul.[225][226][227][228][229][230][231][232][233]

fata deorum

Fata deorum, or fata deum, referred to the utterances of the gods, essentially prophecies. These were recorded and consulted by state priests, with the Sibylline Books being a prime example of written prophecies believed to be eternally valid for Rome.[235][236][237][238][239][240][241][242]

fas

Fas signified that which is "religiously legitimate" or lawful in the eyes of the gods, distinct from human law (ius). Days marked F (dies fasti) were those on which it was fas to conduct everyday affairs.[243][244][245][246][247][248][249][250][251]

fasti

Fasti were records or calendars detailing official and religiously sanctioned events, marking days as dies fasti (allowed for business). Ovid's poem "Fasti" is a significant source for Roman religious practices.[255]

felix

In a religious sense, felix meant "blessed" or favored by the gods, achieving pax deorum (peace with the gods). It is related to concepts of happiness and fruitfulness, and is the root of the word "felicity."[252][253]

feria

A feria was a "free day" on the Roman calendar, meaning no work was performed, and public business was suspended. These holidays could be fixed (stativae), variable (conceptivae), or ordered for special occasions (imperativae).[254]

festus

A dies festus was a festive or holy day dedicated to deities, on which profane activities, especially public business, were forbidden. These days were considered nefasti.[255]

finis

Finis (limit, boundary) was crucial in augural practice for defining sacred spaces (templa). Establishing fines was a magistrate's duty, often marked physically and connected to the cult of Terminus.[256][257]

Sacrifice & Offerings

hostia

The hostia was the offering in a sacrifice, typically an animal. While often used interchangeably with victima, some distinctions were made regarding size, age, or purpose (e.g., hostia consultatoria for consultation).[258][259][260][261][262][263][264][265][266][267][268][269]

Festivals & Time

Gabinus

The adjective gabinus denotes elements of religion attributed to practices from Gabii, a Latin town. This indicates the special treaty status of Gabii and the incorporation of its traditions, such as the cinctus Gabinus and ager Gabinus.[89]

feria

A feria on the Roman calendar was a day free from work, during which no public business or court sessions were held. These holidays were codified as feriae publicae, categorized as fixed, variable, or ordered for specific occasions.[254]

festus

A dies festus was a festive or holy day dedicated to deities, prohibiting profane activities and public business. Such days were considered nefasti, distinct from profesti days where secular activities were permitted.[255]

Law & Order

fas

Fas signifies that which is religiously legitimate or lawful in the eyes of the gods, distinct from human law (ius). Days marked F (dies fasti) were those on which it was fas to conduct everyday affairs.[243][244][245][246][247][248][249][250][251]

fasti

Fasti were records or calendars detailing official and religiously sanctioned events, marking days as dies fasti (allowed for business). Ovid's poem "Fasti" is a significant source for Roman religious practices.[255]

fetial

The fetiales were priests who oversaw the formal procedures and religious laws governing declarations of war and peace (ius fetiale). Their role ensured that warfare was conducted according to divine sanction.[256]

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References

References

  1.  Robert Schilling, "Roman Gods", Roman and European Mythologies (University of Chicago Press, 1992, from the French edition of 1981), p. 72.
  2.  John W. Stamper, The Architecture of Roman Temples: The Republic to the Middle Empire (Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 10.
  3.  Mary Beard, Simon Price, John North, Religions of Rome: Volume 1, a History, illustrated, Cambridge University Press, 1998. p. 22.
  4.  Morris H. Morgan, Notes on Vitruvius Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 17 (1903, pp. 12–14).
  5.  For usage of the term peregrinus, compare also the status of a person who was peregrinus.
  6.  Livy 27.5.15 and 29.5; P. Catalano, Aspetti spaziali del sistema giuridico-religioso romano, Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.16.1 (1978), pp. 529 ff.
  7.  Mary Beard, J.A. North, and S.R.F. Price, Religions of Rome: A Sourcebook (Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 83.
  8.  Ulrike Egelhaaf-Gaiser, "Roman Cult Sites: A Pragmatic Approach," in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), p. 206.
  9.  Karl Galinsky, Augustan Culture: An Interpretive Introduction (Princeton University Press, 1996), p. 141.
  10.  Macrobius III 20, 2, quoting Veranius in his lost work De verbis pontificalibus.
  11.  Vergil Aeneid II 717-720; Macrobius III 1, 1; E. Paratore Virgilio, Eneide I, Milano, 1978, p. 360 and n. 52; Livy V 22, 5; R. G. Austin P. Vergili Maronis Aeneidos liber secundus Oxford 1964, p. 264
  12.  William Warde Fowler, The Religious Experience of the Roman People (London, 1922), p. 209.
  13.  In the view of Wissowa, as cited by Jerzy Linderski, "The Augural Law", Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.16 (1986), p. 2150.
  14.  Veit Rosenberger, "Republican nobiles: Controlling the res publica," in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), p. 299.
  15.  Linderski, "The Augural Law," p. 2196, especially note 177, citing Servius, note to Aeneid 3.89.
  16.  Robert Schilling, "Augurs and Augury", Roman and European Mythologies (University of Chicago Press, 1992, from the French edition of 1981), p. 116.
  17.  W. Jeffrey Tatum, The Patrician Tribune: Publius Clodius Pulcher (University of North Carolina Press, 1999), p. 127.
  18.  John Scheid, An Introduction to Roman Religion (Indiana University Press, 2003), pp. 113–114.
  19.  Veit Rosenberger, "Republican nobiles: Controlling the res publica", in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), p. 293.
  20.  G. Dumezil La religion romaine archaique Paris 1974 part IV chapt. 4; It. tr. Milano 1977 p. 526
  21.  Pliny the Elder, Natural History 2, 13; Plautus, Curculio 438-484.
  22.  Festus, sv. regalia exta p. 382 L 2nd (p. 367 in the 1997 Teubner edition).
  23.  Elizabeth Rawson, "Religion and Politics in the Late Second Century B.C. at Rome," Phoenix 28.2 (1974), p. 196, citing De divinatione 1.28.
  24.  Varro, De Lingua Latina VII 102: "Ab avertendo averruncare, ut deus qui in eis rebus praeest Averruncus."
  25.  Hans-Friedrich Mueller, Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus (Routledge, 2002), pp. 64–65 online.
  26.  See Davide Del Bello, Forgotten Paths: Etymology and the Allegorical Mindset (Catholic University of America Press, 2007), pp. 34–46, on etymology as a form of interpretation or construction of meaning among Roman authors.
  27.  Wagenvoort, "Caerimonia", p. 100 online.
  28.  Robert Schilling, "Roman Sacrifice", Roman and European Mythologies (University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 78.
  29.  Classical Sculpture: Catalogue of the Cypriot, Greek, and Roman Stone Sculpture in the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology (University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, 2006), p. 169.
  30.  Frances Hickson Hahn, "Performing the Sacred: Prayers and Hymns", in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), p. 236, citing also Michael C.J. Putnam, Horace's Carmen Saeculare (London, 2001), p. 133.
  31.  Sarah Iles Johnston, Religions of the Ancient World: A Guide (Harvard University Press, 2004), p. 367.
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  33.  Bernadotte Filotas, Pagan Survivals, Superstitions and Popular Cultures in Early Medieval Pastoral Literature (Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2005), p. 256.
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  35.  Andrew C. Johnston and Marcello Mogetta, "Debating Early Republican Urbanism in Latium Vetus: The Town Planning of Gabii, between Archaeology and History," Journal of Roman Studies 110 (2020), p. 103 et passim.
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  37.  H.H. Scullard, A History of the Roman World: 753 to 146 BC (Routledge, 1935, 2013), p. 409.
  38.  John Scheid, An Introduction to Roman Religion (Indiana University Press, 2003), p. 80.
  39.  The Fasti Capitolini record dictatores clavi figendi causa for 363, 331, and 263.
  40.  H.S. Versnel, Triumphus: An Inquiry into the Origin, Development and Meaning of the Roman Triumph (Brill, 1970), pp. 271–272.
  41.  Cassius Dio 55.10.4, as cited by Michael Lipka, Roman Gods: A Conceptual Approach (Brill, 2009), p. 108; Brennan, Praetorship, p. 21.
  42.  David S. Potter, "Roman Religion: Ideas and Action", in Life, Death, and Entertainment in the Roman Empire (University of Michigan, 1999), pp. 139–140.
  43.  Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae XV 27, 1-3, citing Laelius Felix in reference to M. Antistius Labeo.
  44.  George Willis Botsford, The Roman Assemblies from Their Origin to the End of the Republic (Macmillan, 1909), pp. 155–165.
  45.  George Mousourakis, The Historical and Institutional Context of Roman Law (Ashgate, 2003), p. 105.
  46.  As summarized by Jörg Rüpke, The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine: Time, History, and the Fasti (Wiley-Blackwell, 2011), pp. 26–27.
  47.  Jerzy Linderski, "The Augural Law", Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.16 (1986), p. 2245, note 387.
  48.  Jerzy Linderski, "The libri reconditi", Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 89 (1985), pp. 228–229.
  49.  Festus, book 17, p. 819.
  50.  Wilfried Stroh, "De domo sua: Legal Problem and Structure", in Cicero the Advocate (Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 341.
  51.  Cicero, De domo sua 139; F. Sini, Documenti sacerdotali di Roma antica (Sassari, 1983), p.152
  52.  J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung III (Leipzig, 1885), pp. 269 ff.; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer, p.385.
  53.  Cicero, De Natura Deorum 2.8 and 1.117.
  54.  Clifford Ando, The Matter of the Gods (University of California Press, 2009), p. 6.
  55.  Ando, The Matter of the Gods, pp. 5–7; Valerie M. Warrior, Roman Religion (Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 6; James B. Rives, Religion in the Roman Empire (Blackwell, 2007), pp. 13, 23.
  56.  Sabine MacCormack, The Shadows of Poetry: Vergil in the Mind of Augustine (University of California Press, 1998), p. 75.
  57.  Clifford Ando, The Matter of the Gods: Religion and the Roman Empire (University of California Press, 2008), p. 110.
  58.  Festus De verborum significatu s.v. delubrum p. 64 L; G. Colonna "Sacred Architecture and the Religion of the Etruscans" in N. T. De Grummond The Religion of the Etruscans 2006 p. 165 n. 59.
  59.  Servius, note to Aeneid 2.156; Robert Turcan, The Gods of Ancient Rome (Routledge, 2000), p. 44.
  60.  George Willis Botsford, The Roman Assemblies from Their Origin to the End of the Republic (Macmillan, 1909), pp. 161–162.
  61.  Jörg Rüpke, Religion in Republican Rome: Rationalization and Ritual Change (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), p. 183.
  62.  Carlos F. Noreña, Imperial Ideals in the Roman West: Representation, Circulation, Power (Cambridge University Press, 2011), p. 142.
  63.  M. Golden, "Did the Ancients Care When Their Children Died?" Greece & Rome 35 (1988) 152–163.
  64.  Christian Laes, Children in the Roman Empire: Outsiders Within (Cambridge University Press, 2011), p. 66.
  65.  Jens-Uwe Krause, "Children in the Roman Family and Beyond," in The Oxford Handbook of Social Relations in the Roman World (Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 627.
  66.  Denis Feeney, Caesar's Calendar: Ancient Time and the Beginnings of History, University of California Press (2008) p. 148.
  67.  Regina Gee, "From Corpse to Ancestor: The Role of Tombside Dining in the Transformation of the Body in Ancient Rome," in The Materiality of Death: Bodies, Burials, Beliefs, Bar International Series 1768 (Oxford, 2008), p. 64.
  68.  Gary Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome: From Prehistory to the First Punic War (University of California Press, 2005, 2006), p. 131.
  69.  Patricia Cox Miller, "'The Little Blue Flower Is Red': Relics and the Poeticizing of the Body," Journal of Early Christian Studies 8.2 (2000), p. 228.
  70.  H.H. Scullard, Festivals and Ceremonies of the Roman Republic (Cornell University Press, 1981), p. 45.
  71.  Cassius Dio 51.19.3; Linderski, "The Augural Law," pp. 2187–2188.
  72.  The phrase is used for instance by Servius, note to Aeneid 4.166.
  73.  Elizabeth Rawson, "Caesar, Etruria, and the Disciplina Etrusca", Journal of Roman Studies 68 (1978), p. 138.
  74.  David Wardle, "Deus or Divus: The Genesis of Roman Terminology for Deified Emperors and a Philosopher's Contribution", in Philosophy and Power in the Graeco-Roman World (Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 181–183.
  75.  Adolf Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law (Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 1953, 2002), p. 414.
  76.  James R. Harrison, Paul's Language of Grace in Its Graeco-Roman Context (C.B. Mohr, 2003), p. 284. See Charites for the ancient Greek goddesses known as the Graces.
  77.  Festus 146 (edition of Lindsay).
  78.  Jerzy Linderski, "The Augural Law", Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.16 (1986), pp. 2156–2157.
  79.  Daniel J. Gargola, Lands, Laws and Gods: Magistrates and Ceremony in the Regulation of Public Lands (University of North Carolina Press, 1995), p. 27.
  80.  Mary Beard, J.A. North, and S.R.F. Price, Religions of Rome: A Sourcebook (Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 41.
  81.  Nicholas Purcell, "On the Sacking of Corinth and Carthage", in Ethics and Rhetoric: Classical Essays for Donald Russell on His Seventy (Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 140–142.
  82.  Evidenced by an inscription dedicated by an imperator Gaius Servilius, probably at the vowed temple; Beard et al., Religions of Rome: A Sourcebook, p. 248.
  83.  As implied but not explicitly stated by Propertius, Elegy 4.2; Daniel P. Harmon, "Religion in the Latin Elegists", Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.16.3 (1986), pp. 1960–1961.
  84.  Eric Orlin, Foreign Cults in Rome: Creating a Roman Empire (Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 37–38.
  85.  Mary Beard, J.A. North, and S.R.F. Price, Religions of Rome: A History (Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 254.
  86.  George Mousourakis, The Historical and Institutional Context of Roman Law (Ashgate, 2003), p. 339 online.
  87.  Clifford Ando, "Exporting Roman Religion," in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), p. 442.
  88.  Fay Glinister, "Sacred Rubbish," in Religion in Archaic and Republican Rome and Italy: Evidence and Experience (Edinburgh University Press, 2000), p. 66.
  89.  Jörg Rüpke, Fasti sacerdotum: A Prosopography of Pagan, Jewish, and Christian Religious Officials in the City of Rome, 300 BC to AD 499 (Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 530, 753.
  90.  Cicero, De divinatione 2.12.29. According to Pliny (Natural History 11.186), before 274 BC the heart was not included among the exta.
  91.  Georg Luck, Arcana Mundi: Magic and the Occult in the Greek and Roman Worlds (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985, 2006, 2nd ed.), p. 511.
  92.  CIL VI.490, 2232, and 2234, as cited by Stambaugh, "The Function of Roman Temples," p. 593, note 275.
  93.  Festus s.v. delubrum p. 64 M; G. Colonna "Sacred Architecture and the Religion of the Etruscans" in N. Thomas De Grummond The Religion of the Etruscans 2006 p. 165 n. 59
  94.  Fíísnú is the nominative form.
  95.  S.P. Oakley, A Commentary on Livy, Books 6–10 (Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 378; Michel P.J. van den Hout, A Commentary on the Letters of M. Cornelius Fronto (Brill, 1999), p. 164.
  96.  Lawrence Richardson, A New Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), p. 2.
  97.  Servius, note to Aeneid 2.54; Nicholas Horsfall, Virgil, Aeneid 2: A Commentary (Brill, 2008), p. 91.
  98.  Elisabeth Henry, The Vigour of Prophecy: A Study of Virgil's Aeneid (Southern Illinois University Press, 1989) passim.
  99.  R.L. Rike, Apex Omnium: Religion in the Res Gestae of Ammianus (University of California Press, 1987), p. 123.
  100.  Cynthia White, "The Vision of Augustus," Classica et Mediaevalia 55 (2004), p. 276.
  101.  Valerie M. Warrior, Roman Religion, Cambridge University Press, 2006, p.160 [2]
  102.  W. W. Skeat Etymological Dictionary of the English Language New York 1963 sv felicity, feminine
  103.  Nathan Rosenstein, Imperatores Victi: Military Defeat and Aristocratic Competition in the Middle and Late Republic (University of California Press, 1990), p. 64.
  104.  Robert Turcan, The Gods of Ancient Rome (Routledge, 2001; originally published in French 1998), p. 9.
  105.  Veranius, Iur. 7: praesentanaea porca dicitur ... quae familiae purgandae causa Cereris immolatur, quod pars quaedam eius sacrificii fit in conspectu mortui eius, cuius funus instituitur.
  106.  Cicero, De legibus ii 8,20; Dionysius Halicarnassus II 22,3.
  107.  Livy XXVII 36, 5; XL 42, 8-10; Aulus Gellius XV 17, 1
  108.  Gaius I 130; III 114; Livy XXVII 8,4; XLI 28, 7; XXXVII 47, 8; XXIX 38, 6;XLV 15,19; Macrobius II 13, 11;
  109.  William Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic (London, 1908), p. 89.
  110.  In particular, Book 14 of the non-extant Antiquitates rerum divinarum; see Lipka, Roman Gods, pp. 69–70.
  111.  Georg Luck, Arcana Mundi: Magic and the Occult in the Greek and Roman Worlds (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985, 2006, 2nd ed.), p. 513.
  112.  The vocative is the grammatical case used only for "calling" or invoking, that is, hailing or addressing someone paratactically.
  113.  Gábor Betegh, The Derveni Papyrus: Cosmology, Theology and Interpretation (Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 137.
  114.  Jerzy Linderski, "The Augural Law", Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.16 (1986), pp. 2253
  115.  Mary Beard, J.A. North, and S.R.F. Price, Religions of Rome: A History (Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 105.
  116.  Jörg Rüpke, Religion of the Romans (Polity Press, 2007, originally published in German 2001), p. 130, citing Gaius, Institutes 2.1–9.
  117.  William Warde Fowler, The Religious Experience of the Roman People (London, 1922), p. 122ff.
  118.  A. J. B. Sirks, "Sacra, Succession and the lex Voconia," Latomus 53:2 (1994), p. 273,
  119.  Jerzy Linderski, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 89 (1985), p. 214, citing De domo sua 138.
  120.  Kirk Summers, "Lucretius' Roman Cybele," in Cybele, Attis and Related Cults: Essays in Memory of M.J. Vermaseren (1996), pp. 342–345.
  121.  Elaine Fantham, Ovid: Fasti Book IV. (Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 117.
  122.  W.W. Skeat, Etymological dictionary of the English Language entries on legal, legion, diligent, negligent, religion.
  123.  For example in Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, 1.24.7, Jupiter is called on to hear the oath.
  124.  Serv. in Aen. III, 89: legum here is understood as the uttering of a set of fixed, binding conditions.
  125.  P. Noailles RH 19/20 (1940/41) 1, 27 ff; A. Magdelain De la royauté et du droit des Romaines (Rome, 1995) chap. II, III
  126.  Jerzy Linderski, "The Augural Law", Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.16 (1986), pp. 2156–2157, 2248.
  127.  F. Sini Documenti sacerdotali di Roma antica Sassari, 1983; S. Tondo Leges regiae e paricidas Firenze, 1973; E. Peruzzi Origini di Roma II
  128.  Francesco Sini, Documenti sacerdotali di Roma antica. I. Libri e documenti Sassari, 1983, IV, 10, p. 175 ff.
  129.  M. Van Den Bruwaene, "Precison sur la loi religieuse du de leg. II, 19-22 de Ciceron" in Helikon 1 (1961) p.89.
  130.  Jörg Rüpke, Religion of the Romans (Polity Press, 2007, originally published in German 2001), pp. 149–150.
  131.  Seneca, Naturales Questiones 2.41.1.
  132.  Massimo Pallottino, "The Doctrine and Sacred Books of the Disciplina Etrusca," Roman and European Mythologies (University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 44.
  133.  Georges Dumézil, La religion romaine archaïque (Paris 1974), pp. 630 and 633 (note 3), drawing on Seneca, NQ 2.41.1–2 and 39.
  134.  Ariadne Staples, From Good Goddess to Vestal Virgins: Sex and Category in Roman Religion (Routledge, 1998), pp. 154–155.
  135.  Philip R. Hardie, Virgil: Aeneid, Book IX (Cambridge University Press, 1994, reprinted 2000), p. 97.
  136.  Mary Beagon, "Beyond Comparison: M. Sergius, Fortunae victor", in Philosophy and Power in the Graeco-Roman World: Essays in Honour of Miriam Griffin (Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 127.
  137.  Gregory A. Staley, Seneca and the Idea of Tragedy (Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 80, 96, 109, 113 et passim.
  138.  Dies religiosi were marked by the gods as inauspicious, so in theory, no official work should have been done, but it was not a legally binding religious the rule. G. Dumézil above.
  139.  Festus p. 424 L: At homo sacer is est, quem populus iudicavit ob maleficium; neque fas est eum immolari, sed qui occidit, parricidi non damnatur.
  140.  Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, 4.3.9.
  141.  Servius, note to Aeneid 1.310, arborum multitudo cum religione.
  142.  Jörg Rüpke, Religion of the Romans (Polity Press, 2007), p. 275, noting that he finds Servius's distinction "artificial."
  143.  Fernando Navarro Antolin, Lygdamus: Corpus Tibullianum III.1–6, Lygdami Elegiarum Liber (Brill, 1996), p. 127–128.
  144.  Martial, 4.64.17, as cited by Robert Schilling, "Anna Perenna," Roman and European Mythologies (University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 112.
  145.  Stephen L. Dyson, Rome: A Living Portrait of an Ancient City (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), p. 147.
  146.  Jerzy Linderski, "The Augural Law," Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.16 (1986), pp. 2159–2160, 2168, et passim.
  147.  W. Jeffrey Tatum, The Patrician Tribune: Publius Clodius Pulcher (University of North Carolina Press, 1999) p. 127.
  148.  Beard, M., Price, S., North, J., Religions of Rome: Volume 1, a History, illustrated, Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp 109-10.
  149.  J.P.V.D. Balsdon, "Roman History, 58–56 B.C.: Three Ciceronian Problems", Journal of Roman Studies 47 (1957) 16–16.
  150.  Pliny, Natural History 10.6–42.
  151.  Ex Tarquitianis libris in titulo "de rebus divinis": Ammianus Marcellinus XXV 27.
  152.  Robert Schilling, "The Disciplina Etrusca", Roman and European Mythologies (University of Chicago Press, 1992, from the French edition of 1981), p. 44.
  153.  H.S. Versnel, Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman Religion: Transition and Reversal in Myth and Ritual (Brill, 1993, 1994), p. 158, especially note 104.
  154.  Fred K. Drogula, "Imperium, potestas and the pomerium in the Roman Republic," Historia 56.4 (2007), pp. 436–437.
  155.  Christoph F. Konrad, "Vellere signa," in Augusto augurio: rerum humanarum et divinarum commentationes in honorem Jerzy Linderski (Franz Steiner, 2004), p. 181; see Cicero, Second Verrine 5.34; Livy 21.63.9 and 41.39.11.
  156.  Festus 439L, as cited by Versnel, Inconsistencies, p. 158 online.
  157.  Thomas N. Habinek, The World of Roman Song: From Ritualized Speech to Social Order (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), p. 256.
  158.  As in Plautus, Mercator 678; Lucretius, De rerum natura V, 1227; Livy III 5, 14.
  159.  Jörg Rüpke, Religion of the Romans (Polity Press, 2007, originally published in German 2001), p. 81 online.
  160.  William Warde Fowler, The Religious Experience of the Roman People (London, 1922), p. 191.
  161.  William Warde Fowler, The Religious Experience of the Roman People (London, 1922), p. 462.
  162.  Gerard Mussies, "Cascelia's Prayer," in La Soteriologia dei culti orientali nell' impero romano (Brill, 1982), p. 160.
  163.  Hendrik Wagenvoort, "Horace and Vergil," in Studies in Roman Literature, Culture and Religion (Brill, 1956), pp. 82–83.
  164.  Varro Lingua Latina V 15, 83; G. Bonfante "Tracce di terminologia palafitticola nel vocabolario latino?" Atti dell' Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere e Arti 97 (1937: 53-70)
  165.  K. Latte Römische Religionsgeschichte, Munich 1960 p. 400-1; H. Fugier Recherches sur l'expression du sacré dans la langue latine Paris 1963 pp.161-172.
  166.  First proposed by F. Ribezzo in "Pontifices 'quinionalis sacrificii effectores', Rivista indo-greco-italica di Filologia-Lingua-Antichità 15 1931 p. 56.
  167.  For a review of the proposed hypotheses cfr. J. P. Hallet "Over Troubled Waters: The Meaning of the Title Pontifex" in Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 101 1970 p. 219 ff.
  168.  Marietta Horster, "Living on Religion: Professionals and Personnel", in A Companion to Roman Religion, pp. 332–334.
  169.  Macrobius, Saturnalia III 2, 3- 4: R. Del Ponte, "Documenti sacerdotali in Veranio e Granio Flacco" in Diritto estoria, 4, 2005.
  170.  Auguste Bouché-Leclercq, Histoire de la divination dans l'antiquité: Divination hellénique et divination italique (Jérôme Millon, 2003 reprint), pp. 873–874.
  171.  Blandine Cuny-Le Callet, Rome et ses monstres: Naissance d'un concept philosophique et rhétorique (Jérôme Millon, 2005), p. 48, with reference to Fronto.
  172.  Pliny, Natural History 28.11, as cited by Matthias Klinghardt, "Prayer Formularies for Public Recitation: Their Use and Function in Ancient Religion", Numen 46 (1999), p. 15.
  173.  Jerzy Linderski, "The Augural Law", Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.16 (1986), p. 2246.
  174.  W.S. Teuffel, History of Roman Literature (London, 1900, translation of the 5th German edition), vol. 1, p. 547.
  175.  Pliny, Natural History 28.19, as cited by Nicole Belayche, "Religious Actors in Daily Life", in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), p. 287.
  176.  Fritz Graf, "Prayer in Magic and Religious Ritual", in Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion (Oxford University Press, 1991), p. 189.
  177.  Robert Schilling, "Roman Sacrifice", Roman and European Mythologies (University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 77.
  178.  Livy, 27.37.5–15; the hymn was composed by the poet Livius Andronicus. Cited by Halm, in Rüpke (ed) 244. For remainder, see Rosenberger, in Rüpke (ed), 297.
  179.  Dennis Feeney, in Jörg Rüpke, (Editor), A Companion to Roman Religion, Wiley-Blackwell, 2007. p.140.
  180.  Clifford Ando, The Matter of the Gods: Religion and the Roman Empire (University of California Press, 2008), p. 126.
  181.  CIL VII.45 = ILS 4920.
  182.  Jack N. Lightstone, "Roman Diaspora Judaism," in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), pp. 360, 368.
  183.  Adelaide D. Simpson, "Epicureans, Christians, Atheists in the Second Century," Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 72 (1941) 372–381.
  184.  F. De Visscher "Locus religiosus" Atti del Congresso internazionale di Diritto Romano, 3, 1951
  185.  Varro. LL V, 150. See also Festus, 253 L: "A place was once considered to become religiosus which looked to have been dedicated to himself by a god": "locus statim fieri putabatur religiosus, quod eum deus dicasse videbatur".
  186.  Massimo Pallottino, "Sacrificial Cults and Rites in Pre-Roman Italy," in Roman and European Mythologies (University of Chicago Press, 1992), p.33.
  187.  Clifford Ando, "Religion and ius publicum," in Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (Franz Steiner, 2006), pp. 140–142.
  188.  Gian Biagio Conte, Latin Literature: A History (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994, originally published 1987 in Italian), p. 213.
  189.  G. Dumézil ARR It. tr. Milan 1977 p. 127 citing A. Bergaigne La religion védique III 1883 p. 220.
  190.  John Scheid, "Graeco Ritu: A Typically Roman Way of Honoring the Gods", Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, Vol. 97, Greece in Rome: Influence, Integration, 1995, pp. 15–31.
  191.  Varro, Res Divinae frg. 62 in the edition of Cardauns.
  192.  Verrius Flaccus as cited by Festus, p. 422.15–17 L.
  193.  Jörg Rüpke, Religion of the Romans (Polity Press, 2007, originally published in German 2001), pp. 183–185.
  194.  Dionysius Halicarnassus II 64, 3.
  195.  Varro, De res rustica, 2.1., describes porci sacres (pigs considered sacer and thus reserved for sacrifice) as necessarily "pure" (or perfect); "porci puri ad sacrificium".
  196.  F. De Visscher "Locus religiosus" Atti del Congresoo internazionale di Diritto Romano, 3, 1951
  197.  John Scheid, An Introduction to Roman Religion (Indiana University Press, 2003), p. 129.
  198.  Varro. De Lingua Latina VI 24; Festus sv Septimontium p. 348, 340, 341L; Plut. Quest. Rom. 69
  199.  William Warde Fowler, The Religious Experience of the Roman People (London, 1922), p. 86.
  200.  Liv. V 46; XXII 18; Dionys. Hal. Ant. Rom. IX 19; Cic. Har. Resp. XV 32; Turcan, The Gods of Ancient Rome, p. 43ff.; Smith, The Roman Clan, p. 46.
  201.  Festus, p. 274 (edition of Lindsay); Robert Turcan, The Gods of Ancient Rome (Routledge, 2001; originally published in French 1998), p. 44; Smith, The Roman Clan, p. 45.
  202.  Jörg Rüpke, Religion of the Romans (Polity Press, 2007, originally published in German 2001), p. 26.
  203.  Olivier de Cazanove, "Pre-Roman Italy, Before and Under the Romans," in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), p. 55.
  204.  Jörg Rüpke, Domi Militiae: Die religiöse Konstruktion des Krieges in Rom (Franz Steiner, 1990), pp. 76–80.
  205.  Varro De Lingua latina V 180; Festus s.v. sacramentum p. 466 L; 511 L; Paulus Festi Epitome p.467 L.
  206.  Gladiators swore to commit their bodies to the possibility of being "burned, bound, beaten, and slain by the sword"; Petronius, Satyricon 117; Seneca, Epistulae 71.32.
  207.  Carlin A. Barton, The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans: The Gladiator and the Monster (Princeton University Press, 1993), pp. 14–16, 35 (note 88), 42, 45–47.
  208.  Ulpian, Digest I.8.9.2: sacrarium est locus in quo sacra reponuntur.
  209.  Robert E. A. Palmer, The Archaic Community of the Romans, p. 171, note 1.
  210.  Built of Living Stones: Art, Architecture, and Worship: Guidelines (United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, 2005), p. 73. See also Wolfred Nelson Cote, The Archaeology of Baptism (Lond, 1876), p. 138.
  211.  Compare Lithuanian iung-iu from IE stem *yug.
  212.  H. Fugier, Recherches sur l'expression du sacre' dans la langue latine Paris 1963; E. Benveniste Le vocubulaire des institutions indoeuropeenees Paris 1939, p. 427 ff.
  213.  H. Fugier, Recherches, pp. 125 ff; E. Benveniste, Le vocabulaire, pp. 427 ff.; K. Latte Roemische Religionsgeshichte Muenchen 1960 p.127 ff.; D. Briquel "Sur les aspects militaires du dieu Ombrien Fisius Sancius" Paris 1978
  214.  Pliny Naturalis Historia XXVIII 11; Seneca De Vita Beata XXVI 7; Cicero De Divinatione I 102; Servius Danielis In Aeneidem V 71.
  215.  Cicero De Divinatione II 71 and 72; Festus v. Silentio surgere p. 474 L; v. Sinistrum; Livy VII 6, 3-4; T. I. VI a 5-7.
  216.  Jörg Rüpke, Religion of the Romans (Polity Press, 2007, originally published in German 2001), p. 206.
  217.  Thomas N. Habinek, The World of Roman Song: From Ritualized Speech to Social Order pp. 36–37.
  218.  Attilio Mastrocinque, "Creating One's Own Religion: Intellectual Choices", in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), p. 382.
  219.  Eric Orlin, "Urban Religion in the Middle and Late Republic", in A Companion to Roman Religion, pp. 63–64; John Scheid, "Sacrifices for Gods and Ancestors", p. 268.
  220.  Servius, note to Aeneid X 79
  221.  In conjunction with archaeological evidence from Lavinium.
  222.  G. Dumezil "La deuxieme ligne de l'inscription de Duenos" in Latomus 102 1969 pp. 244-255; Idees romaines Paris 1969 pp. 12 ff.
  223.  Jörg Rüpke, "Roman Religion â€” Religions of Rome," in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), p. 5.
  224.  Mary Beard, J.A. North, and S.R.F. Price, Religions of Rome: A History (Cambridge University Press, 1998), vol. 1, pp. 215–217.
  225.  Maijastina Kahlos, Debate and Dialogue: Christian and Pagan Cultures c. 360-430 (Ashgate, 2007), p. 95.
  226.  Lactantius, Divine Institutes 4.28.11; Beard et al, Religions of Rome: A History, p. 216.
  227.  Veit Rosenberger, in "Religious Actors in Daily Life: Practices and Related Beliefs," in A Companion to Roman Religion, p. 296.
  228.  Mary Beard, Simon Price, John North, Religions of Rome: A History (Cambridge University Press, 1998), vol. 1, p. 23.
  229.  Matthias Klinghardt, "Prayer Formularies for Public Recitation: Their Use and Function in Ancient Religion", Numen 46 (1999) 1–52.
  230.  T. Corey Brennan, The Praetorship in the Roman Republic (Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 131–132.
  231.  Katja Moede, "Reliefs, Public and Private", in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), p. 173.
  232.  John Scheid, "Sacrifices for Gods and Ancestors", in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), pp. 264, 266.
  233.  Mary Beard, J.A. North, and S.R.F. Price, Religions of Rome: A Sourcebook (Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 368.
  234.  Katja Moede, "Reliefs, Public and Private", in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), p. 168.
  235.  Marietta Horster, "Living on Religion: Professionals and Personnel", in A Companion to Roman Religion (ed. Rüpke), pp. 332–334.
  236.  Therefore the election must have been vitiated in some way known only to Jupiter: see Veit Rosenberger, in Rüpke, Jörg (Editor), A Companion to Roman Religion, Wiley-Blackwell, 2007, p.298; citing Cicero, De Divinatione, 2.77.
  237.  Macrobius, Saturnalia III 2,12.
  238.  William Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic (London, 1908), p. 179'; Robert Turcan, The Gods of Ancient Rome (Routledge, 2001), p. 75.
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