What is the primary identity and format of the publication known as Secolo d'Italia?

Secolo d'Italia is an Italian online newspaper that began its publication in 1952. It transitioned from a print edition to an online-only format in December 2012, continuing its role as a conservative publication.

When was Secolo d'Italia first published, and what was its initial format?

Secolo d'Italia was first published on May 16, 1952, and it initially operated as a print daily newspaper. It maintained its print edition for six decades until December 21, 2012, when it transitioned exclusively to an online platform.

What is the political alignment of Secolo d'Italia, both historically and currently?

Secolo d'Italia has historically been associated with neo-fascism from its founding in 1952 until 1995. Since 1995, its political alignment has shifted to post-fascism, alongside national conservatism and Italian nationalism. It is currently described as a conservative publication.

Who is the current owner of Secolo d'Italia?

The current owner of Secolo d'Italia is the Fondazione Alleanza Nazionale, which translates to the National Alliance Foundation. This foundation is the entity that oversees the newspaper's operations.

Who serves as the editor-in-chief of Secolo d'Italia?

The current editor-in-chief of Secolo d'Italia is Italo Bocchino. He has held this position and has the longest tenure among editors of the publication.

What was the political context in Italy following World War II that influenced the emergence of parties like the Italian Social Movement (MSI)?

Following the end of World War II in Italy, various small political organizations emerged that adhered to different variants of extreme-right ideology. These groups coalesced, leading to the creation of the Italian Social Movement (MSI), also known as Movimento Sociale Italiano, on December 26, 1946, through the merger of several such entities.

What were the primary objectives of the Italian Social Movement (MSI) when it was founded?

The Italian Social Movement (MSI) was established with three main objectives: to revive the ideals of Mussolini's fascism, to challenge and attack the existing Italian democratic regime, and to defend the country against the perceived threat of communism.

What were the two main ideological tendencies within the early MSI, and what were their differing stances?

The MSI experienced internal tension between two primary tendencies. One group, labeled 'Atlanticists,' prioritized anti-communism and sought alliances with all anti-communist parties and foreign entities like the United States and NATO. The other group, characterized as 'Leftists,' rejected collaboration with forces that had opposed Fascist Italy, such as the Americans, and opposed Italy's membership in NATO, prioritizing nationalism over anti-communism.

How was the MSI described in the late 1940s in terms of its organization and influence?

By the end of the 1940s, the MSI was recognized as one of Europe's largest and most effectively organized neo-fascist electoral parties. It was also considered a pivotal party for the resurgence of the extreme right across Europe.

What internal ideological conflict existed within the MSI regarding historical figures and alliances?

Within the MSI, particularly among the 'Evolani' faction, there was a strong hostility towards those perceived as 'traitors' from the July 25, 1943, events that led to Mussolini's downfall. This sentiment meant many members opposed integrating 'ventennio-era Fascist hierarchs' (officials from the 20-year Fascist regime) into the party, reflecting a deep ideological divide.

Who founded Secolo d'Italia, and what was his background?

Secolo d'Italia was founded by Franz Turchi, who was a World War I veteran, an official of the National Fascist Party, and had served as the prefect of La Spezia during the Italian Social Republic. His background placed him firmly within the fascist movement.

Who were some of the notable early editors associated with Secolo d'Italia?

The newspaper had five editors at its inception, including Aniceto Del Massa, who was known as an esotericist, and the influential poet Ezra Pound. Bruno Spampanato, a fascist author, Mussolini loyalist, and veteran of the Decima Flottiglia MAS, served as the first chief editor.

What was the initial editorial stance of Secolo d'Italia regarding foreign policy and alliances?

The initial editorial group of Secolo d'Italia held an anti-American stance and opposed Italy's accession to NATO. They also supported the concept of 'socialization of businesses' and rejected being labeled as 'right-wing.' Furthermore, they were against collaborating with Italian monarchists or conservative parties like the Christian Democrats.

What role did Junio Valerio Borghese play in the early days of Secolo d'Italia?

Junio Valerio Borghese, a prominent Mussolini loyalist and decorated wartime veteran of the Decima Flottiglia MAS, wrote the newspaper's first editorial. Despite his fascist background, he aligned with the 'Atlanticist' faction, advocating for a pro-Western and pro-American foreign policy for the MSI.

How did the MSI leadership initially react to the founding of Secolo d'Italia?

Initially, the MSI leadership expressed concerns about the newspaper's emergence. Roberto Mieville, the head of the party's press and propaganda department, was dispatched to inform party sections and affiliated publications that Secolo d'Italia had 'obscure origins and even more obscure objectives.'

When did Giorgio Almirante and Filippo Anfuso take control of Secolo d'Italia, and what was the paper's alignment under their influence?

Giorgio Almirante and Filippo Anfuso took direct control of Secolo d'Italia on August 18, 1952. Under their influence, and with Franz Turchi appointed as finance manager, the newspaper's positions closely mirrored the shifts within the MSI, particularly supporting the 'Atlanticist' current.

What was Giorgio Almirante's stance on political conservatism and the origins of fascism during his time with the MSI?

Giorgio Almirante, at one point, opposed what he termed the 'new conservatism' emerging in far-right politics. He instead emphasized the 'proletarian origins of fascism,' a stance that led more radical cadres, such as Pino Rauti, to leave the MSI.

How did the strategy of Arturo Michelini influence Secolo d'Italia's editorial direction and the MSI's growth?

When Arturo Michelini became leader of the MSI in 1954, Secolo d'Italia adapted to his strategy of 'inserimento,' which aimed at integrating the party into the mainstream political landscape. This strategy proved successful, contributing to the MSI becoming Italy's fourth-largest party by the late 1950s, and the newspaper's readership expanded accordingly.

What was the impact of Giorgio Almirante's return as MSI leader in 1969 on Secolo d'Italia?

Upon Giorgio Almirante's re-election as MSI leader in 1969, he appointed Antonino Tripodi as editor-in-chief of Secolo d'Italia. Almirante also implemented a dual strategy of broadening the party's appeal to both conservative and radical elements, which led to increased popularity for the MSI and a corresponding rise in the newspaper's readership, reaching approximately 150,000 daily sales.

What significant event occurred in March 1980 involving an employee of Secolo d'Italia?

In March 1980, Angelo Mancia, an employee of Secolo d'Italia and a member of the MSI, was killed by two gunmen near his home. The group 'Compagni organizzati in volante rossa' claimed responsibility for this 'anti-fascist' action, suggesting it was retaliation for the earlier killing of an Autonomia Operaia member.

What major political transformation did the MSI undergo in the mid-1990s, and how did Secolo d'Italia adapt?

In January 1995, the MSI underwent a significant transformation known as the 'svolta di Fiuggi' (Fiuggi turn), merging with conservative elements from the disbanded Christian Democrats to form the National Alliance (Alleanza Nazionale or AN) party. Secolo d'Italia adapted to this shift, with Gennaro Malgieri appointed chief editor in 1994, followed by Marcello Staglieno as co-chief editor in 1998, reflecting the party's new direction.

Who was the first female editor-in-chief of Secolo d'Italia, and what were some of her notable contributions?

Flavia Perina became the first female editor-in-chief of Secolo d'Italia in 2000. During her tenure, she introduced reporting and editorials on topics such as feminism and ecology, and she also made efforts to engage with Islamic citizens in Italy. She also campaigned for investigations into deaths in police custody and supported granting citizenship to long-term non-European residents.

What led to the dismissal of Flavia Perina as editor-in-chief in 2011?

Flavia Perina was dismissed from her position as editor-in-chief of Secolo d'Italia in March 2011 by the newspaper's board of directors, which was chaired by Giuseppe Valentino and comprised mostly Alleanza members. This decision occurred amidst political disagreements between Gianfranco Fini and Silvio Berlusconi, which led to Fini and his supporters leaving the People of Freedom (PdL) party.

What financial difficulties did Secolo d'Italia face in the early 2010s, and how were they resolved?

In late 2011 and 2012, Secolo d'Italia experienced liquidity problems, leading to a four-month freeze on salary payments for its staff. These issues were resolved through a financial plan that transferred ownership from the bankrupt A.N. Association to a new entity, the A.N. Foundation, allowing salary payments to resume.

When did Secolo d'Italia cease its print edition and transition to an online-only format?

Secolo d'Italia ceased its print edition on December 21, 2012. From that date forward, it continued its operations exclusively as an online publication.

Who has served as editor-in-chief since the transition to online publication, and what is the current leadership situation?

After the transition to online, Italo Bocchino took over as editor-in-chief on June 14, 2014. Francesco Storace replaced him on January 23, 2019, but later left for Il Tempo. Italo Bocchino returned in 2020 and currently holds the position of editor-in-chief, having served the longest tenure.

What is the significance of the 'svolta di Fiuggi' in the context of the MSI and Secolo d'Italia?

The 'svolta di Fiuggi' (Fiuggi turn) refers to the January 1995 congress where the Italian Social Movement (MSI) decided to merge with conservative elements of the disbanded Christian Democrats to form the National Alliance (Alleanza Nazionale or AN) party. This marked a significant ideological shift for the MSI, distancing itself from fascism, and consequently influenced the editorial direction and identity of Secolo d'Italia, which had been closely associated with the MSI.

What was the role of Enrico Mattei in relation to Secolo d'Italia during the leadership of Arturo Michelini?

During Arturo Michelini's leadership of the MSI, Secolo d'Italia supported the strategy of Enrico Mattei, who was the chairman of the state-owned company Agip. Mattei was known for his efforts to reorganize and expand Agip into the National Fuel Trust (ENI) and for negotiating oil concessions in the Middle East, challenging the dominance of major oil companies.

What specific initiatives did Flavia Perina introduce as editor-in-chief of Secolo d'Italia regarding social issues?

As editor-in-chief, Flavia Perina broadened the newspaper's scope by introducing reporting and editorials on topics such as feminism and ecology. She also made efforts to reach out to Islamic citizens residing in Italy and advocated for policies like granting Italian citizenship to non-European Community residents who had lived in the country for five years or more.

What was the nature of the collaboration between Secolo d'Italia and the MSI under Giorgio Almirante's second tenure as leader?

When Giorgio Almirante returned as MSI leader in 1969, Secolo d'Italia supported his strategy of broadening the party's appeal. This included fostering collaboration with the Monarchist National Party, reintegrating radical members like Pino Rauti, and initiating tactical approaches towards conservative figures within the Christian Democrats and the Italian Liberal Party.

What is the ISSN number for Secolo d'Italia?

The ISSN (International Standard Serial Number) for Secolo d'Italia is 0391-6979. This unique identifier is used for serial publications.

What is the official website address for Secolo d'Italia?

The official website for Secolo d'Italia can be accessed at www.secoloditalia.it. The website is presented in Italian.

What was the 'anti-fascist' action that resulted in the death of Angelo Mancia?

Angelo Mancia, an employee of Secolo d'Italia and a member of the MSI, was killed by two gunmen near his home on March 12, 1980. The group 'Compagni organizzati in volante rossa' claimed responsibility, stating it was an 'anti-fascist' act, believed to be in retaliation for the killing of Valerio Verbano, a member of Autonomia Operaia, a few weeks prior.

How did the political landscape change for Secolo d'Italia when the National Alliance (AN) merged into 'The People of Freedom' (PdL)?

In 2007, the National Alliance (AN), the successor party to the MSI, merged with Forza Italia to form 'The People of Freedom' (Popolo della Libertà or PdL) party. This move aimed to create a broader center-right coalition, which subsequently won the 2008 parliamentary election. However, disagreements later arose between AN's leader Gianfranco Fini and Silvio Berlusconi, leading Fini and his supporters to leave the PdL in 2010.

What was the reaction to Flavia Perina's dismissal from Secolo d'Italia?

Flavia Perina's dismissal as editor-in-chief of Secolo d'Italia in March 2011 was met with criticism. Enzo Raisi, a former editor of the newspaper, denounced her sacking, calling it 'a shame for the freedom of the press.' Perina herself refused to remain as a political commentator after her dismissal.

What government actions in the early 2010s impacted the newspaper industry in Italy, including Secolo d'Italia?

In December 2011, the newly formed government of Mario Monti announced significant cutbacks to subsidies provided to the newspaper industry. This move particularly affected publications with smaller circulations. Conversely, in May 2012, the government introduced supportive measures and tax credits specifically for online newspapers and magazines.

What specific event did Secolo d'Italia campaign on in 2009 that captured national attention?

In 2009, Secolo d'Italia campaigned for a thorough investigation into the homicide of a 31-year-old man who died while in police custody in Rome. The man had been arrested for drug possession, and his death became a case that significantly 'gripped the country.'

What was the stated reason for the merger of the MSI and conservative elements of the Christian Democrats into the National Alliance?

The merger in January 1995, known as the 'svolta di Fiuggi,' led to the formation of the National Alliance (Alleanza Nazionale or AN). During this transition, Gianfranco Fini, who became the party's president, stated that there would be no return to fascism and frequently disavowed supporters who used the fascist salute, signaling a move away from the MSI's historical ideology.

What is the significance of the reference to 'Il Secolo XIX' in the article's introductory note?

The introductory note clarifies that Secolo d'Italia is not to be confused with 'Il Secolo XIX.' This distinction is important as 'Il Secolo XIX' is a different Italian newspaper, preventing potential confusion between the two publications.

What was the role of Alberto Giovannini in the context of Secolo d'Italia's editorial team?

Alberto Giovannini was a notable journalist who worked with Secolo d'Italia. He was the former editor of the fascist periodical 'L'Assalto' and the creator of the review 'Rosso e Nero,' which advocated for a 'conciliation' between fascism and socialism. He later became the chief editor of Secolo d'Italia in 1982.

What specific policy on immigration did Flavia Perina support through editorials in Secolo d'Italia?

Flavia Perina, as editor-in-chief, published editorials in Secolo d'Italia that supported granting Italian citizenship to non-European Community citizens who had resided in Italy for five years or more. This stance addressed the controversial issue of immigration in Italy.

What was the nature of the collaboration between Secolo d'Italia and Enrico Mattei?

Secolo d'Italia, during the leadership of Arturo Michelini in the MSI, supported Enrico Mattei, the chairman of the state-owned company Agip. Mattei was a significant figure in Italy's post-war economic landscape, known for expanding Agip into ENI and challenging the global oil oligopoly.

What specific event prompted Flavia Perina and Alessia Mosca to co-author an essay?

Flavia Perina and Alessia Mosca co-authored an essay titled 'A dialogue on power, rights, family, in the most male-dominated country in Europe.' This work was published in 2011 and served as a response to the 'Rubygate' scandal, which involved allegations concerning Silvio Berlusconi and underage prostitution.

What was the MSI's stance on 'totalitarianism' as expressed by Junio Valerio Borghese?

In his speech at the MSI's Third Congress in L'Aquila in July 1952, Junio Valerio Borghese denied that the party was 'totalitarian.' He instead stated that the mission of all MSI members ('missini') was to interpret the common aspirations of the Italian people and to resolve their economic challenges.

What was the MSI's position on collaboration with monarchists and conservative parties like the Christian Democrats in the early years of Secolo d'Italia?

In its early years, the editorial group of Secolo d'Italia, and by extension the faction it represented within the MSI, stood against any collaboration with Italy's monarchists or conservative parties such as the Christian Democrats. This stance reflected their desire to maintain ideological purity and differentiate themselves from established political forces.

What does the name 'Secolo d'Italia' translate to in English?

The name 'Secolo d'Italia' translates from Italian to English as 'Century of Italy.' This title reflects a historical or nationalistic theme associated with the publication.

What was the MSI's relationship with foreign entities like the United States and NATO, according to the 'Atlanticist' tendency?

The 'Atlanticist' tendency within the MSI viewed anti-communism as the party's primary stance. Consequently, they declared openness to alliances with all anti-communist parties and organizations, including seeking support from foreign sources like the United States and by extension NATO, which had opposed the Soviet Union.

What was the MSI's stance on foreign policy and NATO according to the 'Leftist' tendency?

The 'Leftist' tendency within the MSI rejected any collaboration with forces that had fought against and defeated Fascist Italy, specifically mentioning the Americans. They also stood opposed to Italy's entry and participation in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), prioritizing a more nationalist stance over alignment with Western powers.

What specific event led to the MSI's eventual dominance as Italy's fourth-largest party by the late 1950s?

The MSI's rise to become Italy's fourth-largest party by the late 1950s was significantly influenced by Arturo Michelini's strategy of 'inserimento,' which aimed to integrate the party into the mainstream political system. Secolo d'Italia closely followed and supported this strategy, contributing to the party's increased electoral success.

What was the nature of the 'conciliation' supported by Alberto Giovannini's review 'Rosso e Nero'?

Alberto Giovannini's short-lived post-war review 'Rosso e Nero' supported a 'conciliation' between fascism and socialism. This indicated an attempt to bridge ideological divides within the Italian political spectrum, particularly among former fascists seeking a new political identity.

What role did the Fondazione Alleanza Nazionale play in resolving Secolo d'Italia's financial difficulties in 2012?

In 2012, to resolve liquidity problems and unfreeze salary payments, Secolo d'Italia underwent a restructuring where ownership was transferred from the bankrupt A.N. Association to a new entity, the A.N. Foundation (Fondazione Alleanza Nazionale). This transfer was managed by key figures including president Franco Mugnai and board chairman Tommaso Foti.

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About Secolo d'Italia

Overview

Secolo d'Italia, meaning "Century of Italy," is a prominent Italian daily newspaper. Initially established in 1952, it served as a key publication for the post-war Italian far-right movement. In 2012, it transitioned from its print edition to an online-only format, continuing its role as a conservative publication.

Publication Details

The newspaper is headquartered in Rome, Italy. It is published in the Italian language. Its International Standard Serial Number (ISSN) is 0391-6979. The official website is www.secoloditalia.it, providing content primarily in Italian.

Historical Context

Founded in the post-World War II era, Secolo d'Italia emerged during a period of significant political realignment in Italy. It became closely associated with the Italian Social Movement (MSI), a political party that sought to revive fascist ideals and counter communism.

Foundation and Leadership

Ownership and Management

The newspaper is currently owned by the Fondazione Alleanza Nazionale (National Alliance Foundation). The editorial direction has seen several key figures throughout its history, with Italo Bocchino currently serving as the editor-in-chief, a role he has held for a significant period.

Establishment

Secolo d'Italia was founded in 1952. Its inception marked the establishment of a significant media voice for the nascent post-fascist political movement in Italy, providing a platform for its ideologies and objectives.

Political and Ideological Stance

Core Alignments

Secolo d'Italia has historically aligned itself with national conservatism and Italian nationalism. From its inception until 1995, it was closely associated with neo-fascism. Following the transformation of the MSI into the National Alliance (AN) in 1995, the newspaper's alignment shifted to reflect this new political identity, while still maintaining its conservative roots.

Internal Party Dynamics

The newspaper's political context is deeply intertwined with the evolution of the Italian far-right. Initially, it navigated internal tensions within the MSI between "Atlanticists" (favoring pro-Western and pro-American policies) and "Leftists" (opposed to collaboration with perceived enemies of Fascist Italy). This ideological balancing act reflected the broader strategic debates within the party.

Early Years with the MSI

Founding Editors and Stance

Founded by Franz Turchi, a World War I veteran and former National Fascist Party official, the newspaper's first issue appeared on May 16, 1952. Early editors included figures like Aniceto Del Massa and the poet Ezra Pound. The initial editorial stance was anti-American, opposed Italy's NATO membership, and advocated for the "socialization of businesses," rejecting a simple "right-wing" label and opposing alliances with monarchist or conservative parties.

Relationship with MSI Leadership

While not directly controlled by the MSI, Secolo d'Italia quickly became a significant voice for the party. Its early leadership, including Bruno Spampanato, had strong ties to the fascist regime. The newspaper's editorial direction often mirrored the MSI's internal political currents, supporting figures like Junio Valerio Borghese and later Giorgio Almirante, reflecting the party's evolving strategies and ideological interpretations.

Influence and Readership

During the leadership of Arturo Michelini in the late 1950s, Secolo d'Italia supported strategies that helped the MSI grow, becoming Italy's fourth-largest party. Under Giorgio Almirante's renewed leadership in 1969, the newspaper's readership expanded significantly, reaching approximately 150,000 issues daily, as the MSI broadened its appeal.

Political Transitions and Evolution

From MSI to National Alliance

The political landscape shifted dramatically with the dissolution of the MSI and the formation of the National Alliance (AN) in 1995. Led by Gianfranco Fini, this transition aimed to distance the movement from its fascist past and integrate into the broader democratic political system. Secolo d'Italia adapted to these changes, reflecting AN's new identity and Fini's leadership.

Editorial Shifts

Throughout these political transformations, the newspaper saw changes in its editorial leadership. Figures like Flavia Perina introduced broader reporting on feminism and ecology, engaging with diverse societal issues. Later, editorial direction shifted, reflecting internal party politics and strategic decisions, leading to further changes in the newspaper's focus and management.

The Digital Era and Financial Challenges

Financial Pressures

In the early 2010s, the Italian newspaper industry faced significant financial challenges, exacerbated by government cutbacks in subsidies. This environment heavily impacted publications with smaller circulations, including Secolo d'Italia, leading to liquidity problems and the eventual cessation of its print edition.

Transition to Online

On December 21, 2012, Secolo d'Italia ceased its print operations and transitioned to an online-only publication. This strategic move aimed to adapt to changing media consumption habits and mitigate the financial pressures faced by traditional print media, allowing it to continue its journalistic mission in the digital space.

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References

The newspaper was initially and for only one month titled as simply Secolo. See Terranova (2013)

A full list of references for this article are available at the Secolo d'Italia Wikipedia page

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Secolo d'Italia

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About Secolo d'Italia ℹ️

📰 Overview

📍 Publication Details

📜 Historical Context

Foundation and Leadership 🏗️

🏢 Ownership and Management

📅 Establishment

Political and Ideological Stance 🏛️

🚩 Core Alignments

⚖️ Internal Party Dynamics

Early Years with the MSI 📜

🖋️ Founding Editors and Stance

🤝 Relationship with MSI Leadership

📈 Influence and Readership

Political Transitions and Evolution ➡️

🏛️ From MSI to National Alliance

🔄 Editorial Shifts

The Digital Era and Financial Challenges 💻

📉 Financial Pressures

🌐 Transition to Online

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📜 Important Notice

Dive in with Flashcard Learning!

About Secolo d'Italia

Overview

Publication Details

Historical Context

Foundation and Leadership

Ownership and Management

Establishment

Political and Ideological Stance

Core Alignments

Internal Party Dynamics

Early Years with the MSI

Founding Editors and Stance

Relationship with MSI Leadership

Influence and Readership

Political Transitions and Evolution

From MSI to National Alliance

Editorial Shifts

The Digital Era and Financial Challenges

Financial Pressures

Transition to Online

Teacher's Corner

True or False?

Test Your Knowledge!

Gamer's Corner

Discover other topics to study!

References

Feedback & Support

Disclaimer

Important Notice