The Lone Star's Union
Forging Texas into America: A comprehensive examination of the historical, political, and diplomatic journey of Texas's admission into the United States.
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Historical Context
Spanish & Mexican Texas
For over three centuries, Texas was an integral part of the vast Spanish Empire, initially claimed following Spanish exploration in the early 16th century. The boundaries of this territory were formally delineated through negotiations between the United States and Spain, culminating in the Florida Purchase Treaty of 1819. This treaty, while establishing borders, also legally extinguished American claims to Texas, yet the region remained a focal point for American expansionist interests.
Early U.S. Interest
Even before the formal delineation of borders, figures like Thomas Jefferson recognized Texas's potential, anticipating its eventual acquisition. The Missouri crisis of 1819-1821 heightened these expansionist sentiments, particularly among slaveholding interests who foresaw Texas as a crucial territory for westward expansion and the perpetuation of slavery. Debates over the 36°30' parallel in the Louisiana Purchase foreshadowed the sectional conflicts that would later define the Texas annexation debate.
Mexican Sovereignty & Claims
Following Mexico's independence from Spain in 1821, both the United States administrations of John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson persistently sought to acquire Texas through diplomatic channels. Despite these efforts, Mexico maintained its claims, and the United States acknowledged Mexican sovereignty over the region. This persistent interest from the U.S. fueled Mexican concerns about losing control over its northern frontier.
Texas Settlement & Independence
Anglo-American Colonization
In the early 1820s, Mexican authorities invited Anglo-American settlers into Texas, primarily from the Southern United States, to populate the sparsely inhabited lands for cotton production. Under colonization laws, settlers received generous land grants. Stephen F. Austin played a pivotal role in managing these regional affairs, overseeing a population that was approximately 20% enslaved.
Shifting Mexican Policy
Initially governed with a degree of "salutary neglect," Mexican control over Texas began to tighten. Concerns over American influence and the Fredonian Rebellion led to new restrictions in 1829-1830, including the prohibition of slavery and the termination of American immigration. These measures, coupled with military occupation, ignited local resistance.
Declaration of Independence
In 1835, President Antonio López de Santa Anna abolished self-government in Texas, prompting the Texians to declare their independence on March 2, 1836. Following the Battle of San Jacinto, where Texan forces under Sam Houston defeated Santa Anna, Texas achieved de facto independence, though Mexico refused to ratify the agreement and continued to deny its legitimacy.
Political Landscape
Jackson & Van Buren Hesitation
The majority of Texian settlers desired immediate annexation by the United States. However, Presidents Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren were politically cautious. They feared that admitting Texas, a vast slave-holding region, would exacerbate sectional tensions over slavery in Congress and potentially provoke war with Mexico. Consequently, Texas's annexation requests were repeatedly rejected or stalled.
Tyler's Presidential Ambition
President John Tyler, isolated from the Whig party, saw Texas annexation as a critical objective to secure his presidency. He believed that acquiring Texas would bolster his political standing and counter perceived British influence aimed at emancipating slaves in Texas, thereby threatening slavery in the United States. Tyler initiated secret negotiations for annexation.
The "Safety-Valve" Argument
Senator Robert J. Walker of Mississippi, a key Tyler ally, articulated a compelling argument for annexation in a widely circulated pamphlet. He proposed a "safety-valve" theory, suggesting that Texas could serve as an outlet for the southward migration of enslaved people, potentially easing tensions over slavery in the older Southern states and preventing social upheaval. This argument appealed to both Southern interests and Northern anxieties about racial demographics.
The Tyler-Texas Treaty
Negotiation and Terms
Under Secretary of State Abel P. Upshur, and later John C. Calhoun, the Tyler administration finalized a treaty of annexation in April 1844. The treaty proposed admitting Texas as a territory, with the U.S. assuming its debts and gaining control of its public lands. Crucially, the treaty omitted explicit mention of slavery to avoid immediate opposition, but included provisions for the protection of "property as secured in our domestic institutions."
Public Disclosure and Opposition
The treaty's details, including Secretary Calhoun's controversial "Packenham Letter" defending slavery, were leaked to the public. This revelation intensified sectional conflict, galvanizing anti-annexation forces in the North and leading both major presidential candidates, Martin Van Buren and Henry Clay, to publicly denounce the treaty.
Senate Rejection
Despite Tyler's efforts and assurances, the Senate, deeply divided by the slavery issue and the treaty's implications, rejected the Tyler-Texas treaty on June 8, 1844, by a significant margin (16-35). The vote largely followed party lines, with Whigs opposing and Democrats divided.
The Election of 1844
Texas as a Central Issue
The failure of the treaty propelled Texas annexation to the forefront of the 1844 presidential election. President Tyler, initially threatening a third-party candidacy, ultimately withdrew to support the Democratic nominee, James K. Polk, who ran on a platform of "Manifest Destiny," advocating for both the annexation of Texas and the acquisition of Oregon territory.
Polk's Victory
Polk's victory over Henry Clay was interpreted as a mandate for expansion. While the annexation was framed by Polk's campaign as a matter of national destiny rather than solely a pro-slavery measure, the outcome signaled a shift in national sentiment towards territorial expansion, including Texas.
Congressional Debate
Joint Resolution Proposal
Undeterred by the treaty's defeat, President Tyler proposed using a joint resolution, requiring only simple majorities in both houses of Congress, to annex Texas. This maneuver aimed to bypass the Senate's two-thirds treaty requirement and leverage the Democratic majority in the House of Representatives.
The Brown-Foster Amendment
Southern Whigs, seeking to counter accusations of being "soft on slavery," collaborated to introduce an amendment (the Brown-Foster amendment) to the joint resolution. This amendment offered more favorable terms for slaveholders, including retaining Texas's public lands and debt, and allowing for the potential creation of multiple slave states, thereby outdoing the Democratic proposal.
Benton's Compromise
Senator Thomas Hart Benton proposed an alternative resolution, aiming to appease northern Democrats by removing explicit slavery stipulations and deferring boundary decisions to President-elect Polk. This compromise sought to unite Democrats and allow the incoming administration to manage the final details.
The Resolution
Senate Passage
After considerable debate and political maneuvering, the Senate narrowly passed a compromise joint resolution on February 27, 1845. This version incorporated elements of both the Brown and Benton proposals, assuring northern Democrats that slavery's status would be managed carefully, while satisfying southern interests.
House Approval & Presidential Signature
The House of Representatives subsequently approved the Senate's amended joint resolution. On March 1, 1845, President Tyler signed the resolution, formally offering annexation to Texas on terms that allowed for the creation of new states, with slavery permitted in those south of the Missouri Compromise line.
Annexation & Admittance
Texas Ratification
President Polk, upon taking office, upheld Tyler's decision to offer immediate annexation without reopening negotiations. The Texas Congress accepted the joint resolution on June 23, 1845, and a convention formally assented to annexation on July 4, adopting a new state constitution. Texas citizens approved these measures on October 13, 1845.
Statehood Achieved
On December 29, 1845, President Polk signed the legislation admitting Texas as the 28th state of the Union. Texas formally relinquished its sovereignty on February 19, 1846, marking the culmination of a decade-long pursuit of statehood and annexation.
Border Dispute & War
The annexation immediately triggered a border dispute with Mexico, which claimed the Nueces River as the boundary while Texas asserted the Rio Grande. This unresolved issue, coupled with Polk's dispatch of troops to the Rio Grande, led directly to the Mexican-American War in April 1846, ultimately resulting in Mexico ceding its claims to Texas and accepting the Rio Grande as the border.
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References
References
- Dangerfield, 1952, p. 152: "On February 22 [1819], the great Transcontinental Treaty was signed and sealed."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 176: "... the Sabine River ... today is the boundary between [the states of] Louisiana and Texas." p. 176: The US claim to Texas" was legally extinguished ..."
- Dangerfield, 1952, p. 156:"It was by no means a perfect Treaty â by excluding Texas [from US possession], it bequeathed to the United States a legacy of trouble and war â but was certainly a great Treaty."
- Holt, 2004, p. 6: "In short, in 1820, a majority of southern congressmen accepted congressional prohibition of slavery from almost all of the western territories."
- Brown, 1966, p. 25: "As the [Missouri] debates thundered to their climax, Ritchie in two separate editorials predicted the if the Proviso passed, the South must in due time have Texas".
- Freehling, 1991, p. 152: "The Thomas plan angered some Southerners. They denounced the unequal division of turf and constitutional precedent."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 206: Pro-Texas arguments made by Senator Walker in 1843 were "remarkably similar to [Tyler's] diffusion theory he earlier had formulated at the time of the Missouri controversy."
- Freehling, 1991, pp. 368â369Merry, 2009, p. 70: "Stephen [Austin] arrived in 1821 and established sway over 100,000 acres of [Mexican land grants] with the assistance of Tejano elites who sought to partner in his enterprise."
- Freehling, 1991, p. 365: "The Mexican government ... considered southwestern [US] entrepreneurs the most likely migrants" and invited them "to bring along their despotic alternative to Mexican economic peonage, black slavery ..."
- Malone, 1960, p. 543: "The vast distances in Texas, the premium that space paid to the individualism" contributed to "the disrespect of settlers for Mexican authority" and "Private violence was common ... and public violence was endemic."
- Merk, 1978, p. 270: "The Texan revolt was the result primarily of the initial Mexican error of admitting into the rich prairies of Texas a race of aggressive and unruly American frontiersmen who were contemptuous of Mexico and Mexican authority."
- Merk, 1978, p. 270: Mexican authorities feared that "... Texas was developing into an American state ...", Malone, 1960, p. 544: "... the Colonization Law of 1830 ... forbade further American migration to Texas."
- Freehling, 1991, p.545: "Neglected sovereign power [in Texas] was creating a vacuum" and Mexico "accordingly emancipated slaves" nationwide on "September 15, 1829"
- Freehling, 1991, p. 365: "... On April 21, 1836, General Sam Houston ambushed Santa Anna at San Jacinto ..."
- Merry, 2009, p. 71: "... an official state of war existed between the two entities, although it never erupted into full scale fighting."
- Freehling, 1991, p. 365: "... prospective American settlers [did not] have to be told that life and property were safer in the United States than in Texas ..." and slave-owners "considered slave property particularly unsafe across the border."
- Malone, 1960, p. 545: Texans "avidly desired annexation by the United States.", Crapol, 2006, p. 176: Texans "overwhelmingly supported immediate annexation by the United States."
- Freehling, 1991, p. 367: "On the last day of his administration ... he recognized the independence of Texas."
- Merry, 2009, p. 71: Van Buren "particularly feared any sectional flare-ups over slavery that would ensue from an annexation effort."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 177: "[A series of failures to annex Texas] was more of less where matters [on annexation] stood when John Tyler entered the White House."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 10: "Three days after taking the symbolic oath-taking [April 6, 1841], John Tyler issued an inaugural address to further buttress the legitimacy of his presidency."
- Merk, 1978, p. 281: "The temper of the period was expansionist and its tide might carry the statesman [Tyler] riding it into a term of his own in the White House."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 178:"Despite being preoccupied by these more urgent diplomatic initiatives, the president kept Texas uppermost on his long-term expansionist agenda."
- Merk, 1978, p. 282: "... the discovery of a British 'plot' to abolitionize Texas ... promised a government guarantee of interest on a loan to Texas ... devoted to abolitionizing Texas."
- Merry, 2009, p. 72: Duff Green's claims of a British loan plot, "though false ... was highly incendiary throughout the South â and also in the White House, occupied by a Virginia slaveholder and longtime Calhoun confidant."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 195Merk, 1991, p. 283: "Prompt action was necessary to meet the threat. Tyler at once authorized Upshur to open negotiations with the Texas government ... on September 18, 1843 ..." and "word passed to Isaac Van Zandt ..."
- Finkelman, 2011, p. 30: "By 1843, the government in Austin [Texas] was negotiating with Great Britain to intercede with Mexico to recognize Texas independence."Freehling, 1991, pp. 370â371
- Freehling, 1991, p. 369: "An American presidential election loomed ... [both parties] were determined to keep annexation out of the canvass."
- Merk, 1978, p. 285: "The question [of American military commitment] went to the heart of Texan hesitation about entering into American negotiation, and also at the heart of the American constitutional principle of separation of powers."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 198: "... Almonte bluntly warned [Upshur], Mexico would sever diplomatic relations and immediately declare war."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 199: Uphsur denied "any knowledge of US-Texas negotiations to Minister Almonte ..."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 203: "... Upshur ... inform[ed] Texas officials that at least forty of fifty-two senators were solid for ratification ..."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 199: "It was the prudent thing to do if he hoped to retain the trust of the Texans and keep them at the negotiating table."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 209: "The deaths of Upshur and Gilmer deprived [Tyler] of two of his best people and the most important architects of the administration's annexation policy ... the political landscape had been rocked."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 211: Calhoun "ranked with Daniel Webster and Henry Clay as America's leading political icons of the early republic."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 211: "... Tyler momentarily balked at the idea of appointing Calhoun as secretary of state because the South Carolinian might adversely polarize public opinion on the Texas question ... It was a decision he later came to regret."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 22: "... the Monroe Doctrine [was] a restatement of the Madisonian/Jeffersonian faith in territorial expansion ..." also see p. 205.
- Crapol, 2006, p. 206: Walker warned of "the ever-threatening British who were intent on preventing annexation ... as part of their overall plan to undercut American national destiny."
- Freehling, 1991, p. 418: Failure to annex Texas, according to Walker "would lead to British-induced emancipation in Texas, then to Yankee-induced emancipation in the South, then to freed slaves swarming northwards towards their liberators."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 206: "Senator Walker ... once again proposed the all-purpose remedy of annexation [which would] 'strengthen and fortify the whole Union.'"
- Freehling, 1991, p. 418: "The Walker thesis transformed sorely pressed Northern Democrats from traitors who knuckled under to the Slavepower into heroes who would diffuse blacks further from the North."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 207: In the weeks and months following its publication, his letter "shaped and framed" the public debate.Freehling, 1991, p. 422: "No one called Walker's [analysis] 'untrue'."
- Merk, 1978, p. 286: "Texas ... admitted as a territory subject to the same constitutional provisions as other territories ..."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 213Merk, 1978, p. 286: "What the Senate would ratify was kept constantly in mind" during the Tyler-Texas negotiation.
- Crapol, 2006, p. 213: "This garrison ... named the Army of Observation" and "... a powerful naval force to the Gulf of Mexico."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 217: "Spencer thought Tyler's directive [to supply funds without Congressional sanction] was illegal ... After twice refusing to execute the president's order, Secretary Spencer resigned his cabinet post on May 2, 1844."
- Freehling, 1991, p. 408: "On April 22, 1844, the Senate received the pre-treaty correspondence [and] the [Tyler] treaty ..."
- Crapol, 2006, pp. 216â217: "As opposition to the Texas treaty mounted, the two leading candidates for the Whig and Democratic presidential nominations came out against immediate annexation."
- Merk, 1978, p. 288: Tyler moved the annexation issue "into the presidential campaign of 1844, which was underway."
- Crapol, 2006, p. 219: "In November Polk narrowly defeated Henry Clay in the popular vote by just over 38,000 out of 2.7 million votes cast ..."
- Sellers, 1966, p. 168: "The chain of events running back through the Baltimore convention to Calhoun's Packenham letter had finally polarized the Democrats along North-South lines."
- Merry, 2009, pp. 72â73: Calhoun's "letter to British minister Richard Packenham ... contained language so incendiary and politically audacious that it would render Senate ratification nearly impossible ..."
- Crapol, 2006, pp. 218â219: "Untroubled by the initial failure, Tyler had carefully prepared for just such a contingency ... recommending [Congress] consider another path to annexation."
- Freehling, 1991, p. 440: "... the lame-duck Congress returned to Washington in December 1844 ..." and p. 443: "The previous June, this same Senate had scuttled Tyler's treaty of annexation, 35â16."Holt, 2005, p. 12
- Sellers, 1966, p. 171: "... Benton and others maintained that if Texas were admitted as a state, with any stipulation of terms, this would be a treaty requiring the assent of two thirds of the Senate."
- Holt, 2005, p. 12: "With their heavy majority in the House, Democrats could easily pass the [Tyler] resolution containing the same terms as Tyler's rejected treaty. Anti-Texas Whigs controlled the Senate narrowly, 28â24.
- Freehling, 1991, p. 443, Freehling, 1978, p. 443: "The South-leaning Democratic Party controlled the House by almost a two-to-one majority."
- Sellers, 1966, p. 170: "[Texas] agitation ... had shaken both northern Democrats and Southern Whigs" during the 1844 elections."
- Sellers, 1966, pp. 170â171: "Yet, apart from slavery, annexation was popular in much of the North ..." with some politicians under "heavy pressure" to proceed with Texas annexation.
- Sellers, 1966, p. 172: "With Democrats in hopeless disagreement, the equally beleaguered southern Whigs now took a hand."
- Holt, 2005, p. 12: "Aware ... that their party had been damaged in the South by the annexation issue in 1844, a few southern Whigs were now eager to annex Texas."
- Varon, 2008, p. 175: "A small but aggressive cadre of Southern Whigs ... certain that annexation had decimated them in the recent election, broke ranks and joined the Democrats [on the Texas annexation issue]."
- Freehling, 1991, p. 441: "Both Whig Senator Ephraim Foster ... who wrote Brown's amendment, and Whig Congressman Alexander Stephens ... who helped guide the measure through the House ..."
- Sellers, 1966, p.172: "But the great camouflaged issue was by now slavery" with neither North nor South willing to compromise on the matter.
- Sellers, 1966, p. 186: "Texas was still far more a party question than a sectional question.", May, 2008, p. 123, Holt, 2005, pp. 13â14
- Sellers, 1966, p. 186: "The situation in the Senate was extremely complex."Freehling, 1991, p. 443: "the amended joint resolution now faced a harder test in the Senate."
- Freehling, 1991, p. 446: "... the only Southern Democrat who had voted no on the annexation treaty ..."
- Wilentz, 2008, p. 572: "In the Senate, Thomas Hart Benton offered his own plan which would split Texas into two equal districts, one slave and one free, and require Mexico's consent."
- Freeling, 1991, p. 447: "The impasse paralyzed the Polk administration before the President-elect could take office."Sellers, 1966, p. 205
- Holt, 2005, p. 15Freehling, 1991, pp. 447â448: "All Democrats and three turncoat Whigs" voted for the compromise treaty bill.
- Holt, 2005, pp. 14â15: The Benton-Van Burenite Senators "expected Polk to pursue [their] option because Polk explicitly promised Benton that he would do so. Only that promise brought northern Democrats on board."
- Sellers, 1966, p. 216: "Tyler did insist that Calhoun get Polk's reaction to the plan. But Polk cagily 'declined to express any opinion or to make any suggestion in reference to the subject', as Calhoun reported to Tyler ..."
- Holt, 2004, p. 15: "[Tyler] dispatched a courier to Texas offering annexation under the Brown-amended version of the House bill. Rather than recall this courier, Polk broke his promise to the Van Burenites and endorsed Tyler's action."
- Merk, 1978, p.308: "In Texas, on February 19, 1846, [Texas President] Anson Jones presided over the ceremony of the transfer of his state's sovereignty to the United States."
- Miguel E. Soto, "The Monarchist Conspiracy and the Mexican War" in Essays on the Mexican War ed by Wayne Cutler; Texas A&M University Press. 1986. pp. 66â67.
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